It is extremely unfortunate that his Lordship should be so scrupulous, because in the case of one so particularly conscientious, it is much to be feared, that in reserving what he thinks he ought not to tell, he may include that which the public have a right to know from him. There never was a period in our recent history, of which more remains to be known of what ought to be communicated to the public, than that interval, brief as it is, with which this book is occupied; for though a time of ceaseless and rapid military operations, it was also an era of busy intrigue,diplomacy far surpassing arms in effecting the catastrophe which they conjointly brought about. The feeble ray of light, indeed, which the noble writer vouchsafes upon the dark transactions of that period, so far from shewing them in an intelligible shape, only serves to satisfy us of the depth of the obscurity which surrounds them.

It was in April, 1813, that our author, then Sir Charles Stewart, proceeded to Germany on a mission from our government, somewhat, it would appear, of a mixed nature; it was, we dare say, infinitely more extensive than his Lordship would lead us to believe. The state of the continent was remarkably critical at the moment of his arrival. Buonaparte had just, by his flight from the frost and the Cossacks of Russia, awakened the north of Europe from that lethargy under his sway, in which an almost superstitious belief in his invincibility had long enthralled it. This was the moment for England to interfere in that direction, not by an ill-concerted expedition to Walcheren, but by the dexterous employment of those golden subsidies, which it is supposed that even the virtue of Prince Metternich was ultimately unable to resist. Russia and Prussia had almost confederated against Napoleon, and the Crown Prince of Sweden was about to join the alliance. This mass of hostility, which thus was formed on the shores of the Baltic, it was the darling project of England to increase if she could, as it rolled along the surface of the continent to the very gates of the French capital. The necessary steps to carry her policy into effect were instantly adopted by this country, and arms and stores were prodigally supplied by us to the Prussians, Swedes, and newly raised Hanoverian corps. Our relations of friendship, so long suspended with some of the northern powers, were revived, and our author, at that time Sir Charles Stewart, was appointed minister, in conjunction with Lord Cathcart, at the head quarters of the Sovereigns of Russia and Prussia. He was also especially accredited, as to military matters only, at the Court of Sweden. It is important to pause here for a moment, and to observe how little there was in the aspect of things at that time to warrant the most remote apprehension of that fate, which, in less than a twelvemonth, fell upon Buonaparte. Curious it is likewise to mark, how accident after accident, and chance upon chance arose, to contribute to swell the full measure of the load under which the

Emperor of France at last sunk a victim. Any thing but patriotism, let it be however observed, any thing but a virtuous adherence to principle, any thing but a heroic love of liberty, and a consequent hatred of tyranny on the part of the allies, formed the disposing cause of Napoleon's ruin. Without half a million sterling from England, the Russian fleet, in the first place, could not move an inch. Bernadotte swore by his own grateful and aithful heart, that he could not sustain his military operations without two millions from the same quarter; and even the magnificent firm of the Russian and Prussian Sovereigns must decline business, unless supplied with a capital, in English money, of two millions more. Even with this encouragement, and notwithstanding the obligations they contracted in consequence, it is ten to one that had they foreseen the little amount of spoil which ultimately came to their share, a single member of the legitimate confederacy would have ever crossed the Rhine. It is impossible to believe, from the blunders which were committed by the allied armies in the beginning of this campaign, that the sovereigns could have all acted on the understanding that they were fully committed to a permanent and uncompromising war against Napoleon. Many things were done, much was left undone, which shewed that, as yet, at least, no settled principle of mutual co-operation had been agreed on. The desultory and indiscreet operations of the armies seemed to result from counsels that were still in a state of suspense, as if awaiting some contingency to give them shape and design. But here we must be permitted to interrupt our course of observation for a moment, to make room for an anecdote, honourable alike to the soldier who records as to the soldier who is the subject of it; and which also shews, that the confused and vaccillating state of the affairs of the allies did not prevent, occasionally, the manifestation of individual valour and conduct amongst the troops.

The Emperor ordered a grand review of the troops in camp, near Jauer. His Imperial Majesty went along the line, and was received with enthusiasm by the soldiers. Observing a favourable moment, when he was surrounded by his general and staff officers, and in front of the troops, his Imperial Majesty called Sir Robert Wilson to him, and addressed him in the following gracious speech:-"Sir Robert Wilson, I have duly appreciated the services, gallantry, and zeal, which have distinguished you throughout the war: in testimony of which I have determined to confer on you the third class of the Order of St. George ;" and then, as if desirous of doing it in the most gratifying manner, the Emperor directed General Augerausky to take his cross from his neck, and he delivered it to Sir Robert Wilson. The gratifying mode, the well-chosen moment, and the pride experienced by a British officer in seeing one of his companions in arms thus decorated in front of the Imperial army, justify me in recording this event in my narrative.'-pp. 52-53.

It is only by allowing that there was a defect in the plan of the allies, arising from the causes just hinted at, that we can account for the success of Buonaparte in driving his enemies from their

positions in the neighbourhood of Bohemia, and finally almost locking them up in a cul de sac on the Austrian frontier. What shall we say then of the foresight of the allies, when we find that their very existence depended altogether upon the decision which Austria, yet only a neutral, should make between them and Buonaparte? Nothing could exceed the anxiety of England at this crisis, when Napoleon, having his head quarters at Breslaw obtained, through Austria, an armistice from the Emperor of Russia. The conduct of the Russian and Prussian sovereigns with respect to the negociations which ensued under the mediation of Austria was any thing but creditable to them. They both refused positively to send plenipotentiaries to communicate directly with the French authorities; but they were satisfied that "negotiators in their behalf, but not invested with full powers," should proceed to a common rendezvous," to confer with Prince Metternich and the French authorities." The distinction thus made, however absurd, yet sheds some light on the state of indetermination in which the allied camp was thrown at that time, because it is exactly such a course as belligerents would pursue who secretly wished for peace, but who had a strong motive for appearing to oppose it. In the meantime the protraction of these conferences gave the princes and great officers of the alliance time to think of pleasure as well as of business, and as one of those traces of civilization which sometimes are found to intervene between and soften the rugged scenes of war, we quote the following descripton of the course of life pursued at the head quarters of the sovereigns at Peterswalde and Neudorff, and the adjacent villages.

'The quarters of the ambassadors and foreign general officers attached to the Sovereigns were always allotted by the staff in those towns or villages where the head quarters were established. Marked attention, as to accomodation and convenience, was always shown to His Britannic Majesty's servants, indeed, the general respect and deference with which they were always treated, strongly indicated how much value was attached to the powerful co-operation of the British government. About ten o'clock every morning the Sovereigns had a parade of the guards and troops in the cantonment. On these occasions, every effort was made to demonstrate the perfect union of the alliance. The Sovereigns wore the uniforms of the regiments they had been appointed to in each other's army; they headed those corps of which they were the colonels, in the routine and forms of parade; and the staffs of the armies mingled together, as if they belonged to one directing head, and had but one impulse. After the attendance at parade, a levee was usually held for business at the Sovereigns' quarters, and ministers, ambassadors, and officers, transacted such affairs as they were charged with. The dinner hour was two, and the Sovereigns invariably invited one or more of the ambassadors, ministers, or military commissioners to dine with them. Excellent supplies always existed; and nothing could be more regular than these repasts.

In the head quarters of the Sovereigns more especially at the period of the armistice, many of the princes of Germany, and their courtiers and

nobles, of the first distinction, belonging to the different potentates, were assembled; resorting, as they now did, to the seat of deliberation and war, for every thing that was valuable or important to them. Many were joined by their consorts, and the beauty and attractions of the Princess Pauline of Wirtemburg, Madame d'Alopaeus, the Princesses of Courlande, and others, deserve to be eloquently described, and, with other anecdotes, might prove more intereresting to many than my military narrative. But my duty is not to deviate from, but to adhere to, the dry detail of the campaign. However, it will be seen from the above that female society of the most perfect description was within our reach; and its allurements and dissipations divided the minds of soldiers and politicians from their more severe duties.

• Exercise after dinner, des courses, or parties of pleasure in the neighbourhood, and reunion in the evening, filled up the period of each day, when the army was stationary; and each ambassador or minister, of any calibre, kept his own table, and always received a certain number of guests.'-p. 75, 76.

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It will be remembered by the reader, that the armistice was ratified on the 4th June, 1813, and was continued from time to time until the 10th of August. Wherefore should such a delay have taken place? How was it that Austria could not sooner make her mind? The Marquess of Londonderry is most provokingly silent as to the history of this most interesting interval, which thoroughly and faithfully understood, must present matter of deep importance for history. To all the world it cannot be otherwise than obvious, that, in the circumstances in which he was then placed, delay was an object of paramount importance to Napoleon. They who voluntarily procured that delay, must, beyond all doubt, have had a leaning to the cause of that Emperor, for both he and his army were in the condition of men, who had but just risen from the effects of an exhausting fever, and every instant of repose, consequently, was to them a fresh accumulation of strength. The allies conducted themselves exactly in such a manner, as that the course which they pursued, would suit afterwards with either relation a state of hostility, or a state of friendship-with Buonaparte. The Austrian monarch who was to give to the other sovereigns the cue, was himself kept in suspense, but he shewed that he was ready to adopt the course which circumstances might point out as most safe and prudent for himself. At the moment we are speaking of, Wellington-so far as was known in Austria-still remained within the lines in Portugal. That illustrious chief had returned to those lines the year before, it must now be admitted, under circumstances that were by no means encouraging; for, after having gained the hard-earned, and, in some respects, accidental victory of Salamanca,-we say accidental, because a blunder of Marmont's was the immediate cause of the defeat of the French, -Wellington proceeded to Madrid without being able to occupy that metropolis for any time, and from which he was forced to retire amidst the harrassings and threats of the enemy, making

forced marches back to Portugal. Here he remained for no inconsiderable period in a state of total inactivity. An Austrian, or even a Prussian minister having regard merely to these facts, must necessarily be impressed with very unfavourable opinions as to the future success of the British forces in Spain, and the more so as it was now well known, that the French forces were augmented, that they were in a more healthy state, and were led by better generals than formerly; and, further, that the strong holds throughout Spain were garrisoned by French troops. The supposition, then, was a very probable one, that in no little time the arms of France would have triumphed over the peninsula, and left not a space for the foot of an English soldier upon the whole of its continent. Was it any wonder that the counsels of Austria, and, through them, the counsels of the allies, were haunted with doubt and dismay, and that the whole host of speculators, sovereigns and ministers as they were, sought refuge from the apparitions of their own fears in procrastination? But in a moment all was changed; Wellington had roused from his lair, and crossing by a rapid movement the Ebro, won the field of Vittoria. We presume that the news of this victory arrived at the head quarters of the allies towards the end of July; we know, at all events, that the notice for terminating irrevocably the armistice with Napoleon, was given on the part of the allies about the same period. Thus was the cabinet, over which Austria as mediatrix presided, then teeming with every sordid and selfish calculation, at once broken up. Prince Metternich made a point of confidentially communicating a few days beforehand to the representative of the English government, the sort of declaration which Austria would make, as if Austria had all along made up its mind to join the alliance against Buonaparte. If, then, Austria made her decision; if by that decision the confederacy against the French emperor was rendered effectual to crush him in due time, was it not the duty of a brother officer and a countryman, to have conspicuously held up the man to whom the glory of producing such inestimable results was due? To say the truth, however, the Marquess has not been quite so squeamish with respect to another and rather an equivocal member of the Alliance,-we mean the Crown Prince of Sweden. conduct of his Royal Highness as it is represented by Lord Londonderry, appears to us from the very beginning to have been controuled by the irregular impulses of a mean and shirking disposition. Bernadotte never cordially entered into a friendly relation with England, notwithstanding the humiliating lengths to which Lord Castlereagh went, in his private communications, to conciliate this adopted child of legitimacy.

The

The fault, or rather crime, of the Crown Prince was in affecting cordiality under the circumstances, and hence it was, that between his natural aversion and his pretended regard for England, his actions were marked by indecision, vacillation, and gross incon