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and the reviews echoed it from one to another. In our cities, towns, and villages, meetings were held, and resolutions were passed; and, in some of them, (the last great proof of earnestness) money was subscribed. Our pulpits took the alarm, and proclaimed to us the cause of Greece, as the cause of Christian liberty and truth; and, finally, on the floor of Congress, the subject was brought forward, in the most imposing form, by an individual whose name carries a sanction in it of all that he recommends; and in one of the most masterly speeches ever made, it was proved by him, that the liberation of Greece was of moment, of high moment, to the cause of political liberty in all countries. He pointed out the dangerous language in which the crowned corporation in Europe, under the pretence of denouncing Grecian rebellion, in reality denounced the general cause of popular liberty; and he asked the representatives of the people to consider, whether, consistently with the neutral position and policy of this country, nothing could be done to encourage another free state struggling into being.
But by dint of much after speech-making, the conviction, which this most able appeal had wrought on the minds and hearts of all who heard or read it, was done away. The question subsided in the house, and the interest taken in it subsided in the country; and had Greece herself subsided into her former quiet subjection to the Mahometan tyranny, we do not know that it could have excited much sensation here. For the last twelve months, not to say the last twentyfour, it has been nearly impossible to get the public ear for any less dignified topic than General Jackson's traitorous recommendation of an union of parties, or Ninian Edwards' memorial. Now that these momentous matters are awhile put to rest, the question may be said to recur upon the revolution of the Greeks. How stands their cause? Is there any rational probability that the Greeks will emancipate themselves?
If there is, it is an important subject. The Greeks, if they throw off the Turkish yoke, will become a free people. This may seem rather a truism than a proposition of moment. But it is not a truism. We say, that, in all events, if the Greeks succeed in throwing off the Turkish yoke, another free state will be numbered among the nations of the earth. Many persons think it is out of the question to establish a republican government in Greece; that the people in Greece are not ripe
for it, that they are not prepared for liberty; and that if they were ripe for it, the Holy Alliance would not permit them to have a free government. We even read in the papers published by Colonel Stanhope, that many of the leading patriots in Greece, talk of a king; of a foreign king; of the son of the late crazy monarch of Sweden; of the Duke of Sussex. This may all be true, and yet it is not inconsistent with the proposition, that Greece may become a free state. We do not think monarchy so favourable to the highest degree of freedom as democracy; on the contrary, we consider monarchical institutions as totally inconsistent with the highest degree of liberty. But they are not inconsistent with some liberty, with a good deal of liberty. There is liberty in France, in England, in Prussia; liberty worth having. Nay, though in a less degree, there is liberty in Austria and in Russia; not much political liberty, we grant, but liberty very important to private happiness. Property is secure from arbitrary and violent exaction, private justice is honestly administered, and even the growth of literature and science encouraged, when political questions are left untouched. We are now confessedly stating the bright side of things; not for the purpose of deception, but to meet the worst supposition of what would befal Greece, in the event of her throwing off the Turkish yoke. We think, in that event, even if the Turkish despotism should be succeeded by a monarchy in Greece, a monarchy upheld by the military power of the surrounding mighty states, that Greece might still be considered as a new free state, in whose appearance on the list of nations even we republicans ought to rejoice. It is certainly better that Greece should be governed by a christian king, and governed by laws, than by a lawless Mahometan tyrant. The government of Francis and Alexander, bad as it is,--and worse cannot be in a civilized christian country,-is better than the government of Ali Pacha or Sultan Mahmoud. If the Turkish government, instead of being on the verge of ruin, were as strong and menacing as in the days of the Amuraths and Mahomets,-if, instead of trembling in his seraglio, at Constantinople, the Sultan were storming the gates of Vienna, and the grand vizier landing an army in Otranto; if the Tartars were in Poland, and the Moors in Sicily and Spain, as of yore, we should all think this was much worse for the cause of liberty and humanity, than the present condition of those countries, bad as that is.
But we do not admit that it is a matter of necessity that the Greeks, if liberated from the Turkish yoke should of course come under a monarchical form of government. We have no doubt, that in 1776, the politicians of Europe speculated on the impossibility of establishing a republican form of government in America, much as they now speculate to the same purpose about Greece. We do not mean to say, that as good a foundation is laid in Greece as had been laid in America for representative and republican liberty. Nothing like it; and no zeal for the cause in foreign countries shall lead us so to disparage the character of our own. But there are, nevertheless, some circumstances in Greece highly favourable to the erection of a federal republican government. That country consists of numerous provinces, geographically separated from each other; not so remotely placed, nor so essentially disjoined, as to make it impossible to include them under a federal head: but yet marked out into states, by natural and historical peculiarities. This circumstance is in favour of a republican, and against a monarchical government. Again, nothing is more difficult than to set up a new monarchy. On the rock of this difficulty Bonaparte split. Prescription and antiquity are the pillars of monarchy now. Nobody talks at the present day of the divine right of kings; or, if they do, that divine right must be well made out by long rolls of parchment and ample wax seals. Of all Napo leon's new kings, not one, any more than himself, has surviv ed the downfall of the portentous military power, by which he seated them on their thrones; with the single exception of Bernadotte, and time has not yet put the seal to his plebeian royalty. The kings of Saxony, of Wurtemburgh, of Bavaria, indeed remain; but they are the legitimate successors of the ducal and electoral houses of those countries; some of the oldest princely families in Europe. The Jeromes, and the Josephs, and the Louises, the Elizas and the Murats, the kingdoms of Westphalia and of Etruria, are vanished. Is the arm of the Holy Alliance longer and stronger than his, who set up these mushroom sovereignties? Suppose Russia and Austria were to set the son of Gustavus of Sweden on the throne of Greece? Where would he be in six months after the next war with England?-Very likely a crazed fanatic, making the pilgrimage of Jerusalem with his father. In the present state of knowledge and speculation on political subjects, when men meet together, the day before or the day.
after a great revolution, to renew or to erect the social compact, the idea of a monarchy is one of the last that enters their heads. There they stand, all equal, none privileged, with the physical and the political power in their hands. What shall they do with that power?-Keep it in their own hands, is the only answer that occurs to them. If their neighbours stand by, with overwhelming armies, and tell them they shall recall their old king, or they shall take a new one, they must, of course, for the moment, submit. But Greece presents a new case. The Spanish, the Neapolitan, the French process does not run against them. The Holy Alliance can grant no writ of habeas corpus, to bring up the body of an old king, and reinstate him on the Grecian throne. -No royal mandamus can go out, to replace the Paleologi, and Comnenas in the palace of Sparta or of Athens: there is no palace there; and a limitation of four centuries is certainly good against all the Porphyrogeniti.-Here there is a new case to be settled, not on new principles, but on first principles. If, indeed, the Duke of Brienne has a descendant; if the line of Baldwin is not extinct in France, a claim of legitimacy might be set up. But this, we suppose, will not be attempted; and the imposing of a foreign king, or the elevation of a domestic one to the throne of Greece, would be in violation of the principles of the Holy Alliance itself; which, we understand to be that the legitimate prince must reign; that the throne must be founded on a historical basis. If there is to be a king in Greece, it is much more likely that he will come in upon the original footing.
"Le premier qui fut roi, fut un soldat heureux."
It would be in the order of nature,* though not in the course of present probability, that Colocotroni or Ulysses should acquire a military ascendancy which might settle down into monarchical power. This, however, is not at all favoured by present appearances; and against this, there is no doubt the Holy Alliance would protest.
We think, therefore, from the best view we can take of the subject, that the probability is in favour of the erection of a free government in Greece; although, if a monarchy should be established there, we are unwilling to admit this ought to
* Somewhat as it was in the order of nature "to encircle Mr Cushing's brows with a diadem,” which good Dr Johnson pronounced to be the object of the American patriots of the revolution.
cut the Greeks off from all sympathy on the part of the Americans.
In the next place, the cause of Greece is entitled to our sympathy, because, if the Turkish yoke is broken, and a government of laws is established, Greece will become a commercial state. This would be of great importance not merely to America, as a commercial nation, interested in the multiplication of markets for demand and supply, but it would be of great importance to the civilized world.
The Mediterranean sea, till the discovery of the passage about the Cape of Good Hope, was the field of the world's commerce. Hither its streams flowed from the distant tin mines of Britain, and the amber fisheries of Prussia in the west; and from the regions of silk, and pearl, and gold in the east. What countries could be better adapted to carry on this trade; to receive and distribute this commerce? The natural aptitude remains. The islands and numerous harbours of Greece and the Archipelago still exist. The face of the earth does not furnish many spots better adapted for the site of a great commercial capital, than the plain of Troy, or several of the Grecian islands near it. They do not even want that which has been mentioned as their chief defect, considered as a site for an emporium of trade, a great inland communication, by means of a navigable river. They stand at the mouth of one of the greatest river navigations in the world; in the present state of the world's population, probably the very greatest. Where do the melting glaciers, that constitute the Danube, while it can all be held in a cup, find their passage to the sea?-At the Dardanelles. Thither they flow, through Bavaria, the Tyrol, Austria, Hungary, Servia, Bulgaria, and Wallachia; and thither, if a free state were established at the mouth of the Hellespont, they would carry the productions of half the most fertile part of Germany. This alone would give to any city established there the command of a wider communication, than that which centres in New Orleans. But this is a small part only of the natural intercourse which might be opened with the Grecian Archipelago. All Poland northeast of the Carpathians, and three quarters of European Russia are drained by the rivers that flow into the Black Sea, of which the natural outlet is at the Dardanelles. We need not name the Dncister, the Bog, the Dneiper, the Don, and their tributaries; and greater than all, the Wolga, which, though it does not empty into the Black Sca, is destined by