Christ. It seems in your hands to lack the manliness and the heartiness of the Apostle whom you have quoted. The man who gloried in the cross of Christ, who cared naught for bonds and affliction, who declared, "None of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my course with joy and the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God." Think you this man ever contented himself with reading his message to an uninterested congregation, consoling himself under his unproductive labor with the assertion that the gospel must needs be dull to the unspiritual? No indeed! that did not the Apostle Paul. He had experience of congregations of all sorts; believing and unbelieving; decorous and riotous; assenting and dissenting; but uninterested!-never.

"Well, what would you have? He that finds fault with our existing order of things is bound to point out the remedy. How shall we amend?"

We answer, get a deeper experience of the love of God in your own soul. Give yourself to Christ in a far more comprehensive consecration than you have ever yet attained to. Get such an experience of the indwelling Comforter that you shall dare to tell it, naturally, earnestly, with a single eye and heart to the weal of your hearer; in sublime indifference to all that the schools and the schoolmen have to say against untrammeled conversational preaching. You want nothing but a greatly increased knowledge, and fearless love of Christ, and of his love to man, to supply all your lack of adaptation. Get this and you will need no argument in favor of a natural and most effective manner of preaching. And do not fail to remember that you can have what you need for the asking; for your Heavenly Father is more willing to give his Spirit to them that ask him, than parents to give good gifts to their children.

ARTICLE X.-ENGLAND DURING OUR WAR.

"BRITAIN was too jealous of America to govern it justly; too ignorant of it to govern it well; and too distant from it to govern it at all." Thus wrote Thomas Paine, in one of his terse and stirring pamphlets of the Revolutionary era. Though three generations of independence have absolved Great Britain from all responsibility for the government of the territory included in the United States, and though the distance between the two countries is practically annihilated by the swiftness and frequency of intercourse, it is as true to-day, for quite other reasons, that Britain is too jealous of the United States as a political and commercial power, to do justice to our cause, and too ignorant of our Constitution and policy to comprehend us at all, in this new and strange crisis of our affairs. When we speak thus of Britain, we mean that England which is represented before the world by its governing class, its political leaders, and largely by its metropolitan press;that England whose most accomplished and typical men, such as Earl Russell and the Right Honorable W. E. Gladstone, M. P., can discover in the uprising of a great people for the defense of national unity, of constitutional government, and of regulated liberty, only a war of ambition for so many leagues of disputed territory; whose most imperial and imperious journal has constantly averred, for twelve months past, that "the United States of North America have ceased to be;" and whose leading literary and political reviews have vied with each other in blundering references to our history and geography, and in disparaging comments upon our political institutions and our social condition.

But we do not forget that there is another England. There was a party in England upon whose intelligence and justice our fathers relied, down to the very day of the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, Jefferson made it matter of com

plaint against Congress for amending his draft of that paper, that "the pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many," and that "for this reason those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offense."* No doubt that memorable Congress was, upon this point, more wise and just than Jefferson. Franklin knew well the friendly disposition of Chatham and Camden in the House of Lords, of Wilkes and afterward of Burke in the House of Commons. "Were I an American," said Camden, in his place, "I would resist to the last drop of my blood." "My Lords," said Chatham, "resistance to your acts was necessary as it was just; and your imperious doctrine of the omnipotence of Parliament and the necessity of submission, will be found equally impotent to convince or to enslave." In the House of Commons, Wilkes uttered the prophetic warning: "In the great scale of empire you will decline from the decision of this day; and the Americans will rise to independence, to power, to all the greatness of the most renowned states; for they build on the solid basis of general public liberty;" and Edmund Burke gave to reluctant but fascinated auditors his magnificent predictions of the greatness and glory of America. Then, as now, there were in England friends of America "worth keeping terms with;" though Dr. Samuel Johnson and John Wesley then, like the Saturday Reviewers and the Thomas Guthries of to-day, vented their ponderous sarcasm and pious invective against our American struggle, and British jealousy and ignorance failed to appreciate the greatness and the justice of our cause.

All the phases of English sentiment touching American affairs, that were developed during our Revolutionary struggle, have repeated themselves in the current war. There have not been wanting political leaders and men of aristocratic associations who have shown an intelligent comprehension of the causes of the war, and a candid appreciation of the government of the United States; the great middle class of England,

* Autobiography, p. 19, in Vol. 1 of Washington's edition of his works.

though not forward in the way of demonstration, has been largely with us in sympathy; and yet the jealousy and ignorance of another class have contrived to be so conspicuous and offensive in disparaging our cause, that England has been strongly suspected of favoring the rebellion.

The jealousy of the United States which warps the judg ment of a class of Englishmen upon our affairs, is not like that chronic jealousy of France which affects the entire public policy of England-a solicitude lest the balance of power in Europe or the political and commercial control of the East, or even her hardwon maritime preeminence, should pass over to an intriguing, aspiring, unscrupulous rival; for the isolation of the United States from the sphere of British aspirations, and the conservative character of our foreign policy, have withdrawn this nation from the political rivalries of the old world. Nor is it merely a jealousy of our industrial and commercial prosperity; for this, though threatening to overshadow that of Britain itself, is nevertheless according to the equalizing laws of trade, a benefit also to the commerce of England and of the world. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said truly to the Manchester Board of Trade, "We are not of those, if such there were, who envied the greatness of the American Republic;" since none know better than the cotton manufacturers of Manchester that the greater our prosperity the better their market. But English jealousy of America is an aristocratic jealousy of Republican prosperity, because of the argument of such an example on the lips of parliamentary reformers; and a bureaucratic* jealousy of the national vitality, the administrative vigor, and the military strength so suddenly developed by free institutions. A government largely vested in what Mr. John Bright once aptly styled "hereditary brains," the government of a class who possess a controlling power by virtue of so

"The essence and meaning of bureaucracy is that the work of government is in the hands of governors by profession," in distinction from representatives springing directly from the people. See Mill on Representative Government, p. 113. This element is still found in the British Constitution, and the spirit and practice of bureaucracy are sometimes more dominant than its form is apparent.

cial position, and who thereby attach to themselves both the military and the monetary interests of the country, may well be jealous of the sudden apparition of a colossal popular power, full-panoplied, like Minerva from the head of Jove. Hence, Sir E. B. Lytton and others have frankly avowed their conviction that the future of England demands the disruption of the United States. Lord R. Cecil said in Parliament, on the seventh of March:

"The plain matter of fact was, as every one who watched the current of his tory must know, that the Northern States of America never could be our sure friends, for this simple reason: not merely because the newspapers wrote at each other, or that there were prejudices on both sides, but because we were rivals, rivals politically and rivals commercially. We aspired to the same position. We both aspired to the government of the seas. We were both a manufacturing people, and in every port, as well as at every court, we were rivals to each other."

Already the magnificent picture of Burke* is more than a reality. Already the enterprise of the United States has shown itself equal to the whole of that commerce which once attracted the envy of the world. "Whatever England has been growing to by a progressive increase of improvement, brought in by varieties of people, by succession of civilizing conquests, and civilizing settlements in a series of seventeen hundred years," has been gained by the United States "in the course of a single life." Yet it is not this unexampled prosperity alone that excites the jealousy of English oligarchists; but the example of this prosperity under a free, cheap, and peaceable government, as quoted by English reformers, in favor of the extension of suffrage, the abolition of class privileges, and the reduction of the national budget. The outbreak of civil war in the United States was the opportune moment for a jealousy of Republicanism in England to vent itself in exultation at our calamity; and yet the rapidity with which we transformed ourselves into a military nation, and the formidable aspect of the Republic reinvigorated, flushed with victory, and ready to cope with any power on land or sea, gave to this jealousy a

*Speech on Conciliation with America.