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cannot say but according to human views you may have reason for them; but I beseech you do not despise the earnest request of the people of God in this place. You must allow me to say to you, as old Farel did to young Calvin, when he had him at Geneva, and was endeavouring to prevail with him to stay there, that if you offer to go any farther, the blessing of God will not follow you.'

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Upon this, an aged man that was present, not being pleased with her reflections on the old Christians at Andover, cried out, "Come, come, mother, do not bear so hard on the old Christians among us. We have stood to our principles in a time of trial, and have suffered for the sake of our consciences, and kept our ground; and I hope some of us do bring forth fruit even in old age: whereas these young ones that you so much applaud, have not yet been tried, and there is no knowing what they will prove. Though it is to be hoped that some of them may answer expectations, yet it is to be feared that a number of them who now promise fair, if new troubles upon the account of religion should arise, would drop off like rotten leaves in autumn."

'I had never before been engaged in such conversation, and, therefore, was much at a loss what to say, or how to behave. I was not willing to drop any thing affronting, and yet hardly knew how to avoid it. At length, having recollected myself a little, I made the good old woman this return: "Mother," said I, "you were just now telling me what an harmony and good agreement there is amongst you here at Andover; whereas, I find by what has been offered since, that you cannot agree among yourselves, which are best, the old Christians, or the young. But leaving it to you to determine that, at your leisure, allow me, who heartily wish well both to young and old, to make one motion, your falling in with which, would, (in my apprehension) add not a little to your flourishing, and to harmony and good agreement. I understand that there is an old gentleman in your neighbourhood, an eminent divine, (whose books I am not worthy to carry after him,) who preaches to you in this town every other Lord's day. Fix him wholly amongst you, and ease him of the trouble of going in his advanced age to preach at Winchester once a fortnight; and as you will this way pay but a decent respect to one of his great worth, so I should think you would take a step that would much promote the interest of piety and charity,"

The old woman seemed perfectly astonished at my proposal, and cried out, "What, Mr. Sprint! old Mr. Sprint! Alas, he is a Baxterian! he is a middle way man! he is an Occasional Conformist! he is neither fish nor flesh, nor good red herring!" Upon this I could not forbear smiling, and said, "Mother, mother, he is a good man and great! he is moving apace towards Heaven himself, and helping others thither too; and he is well fitted for it. You do not to me discover your wisdom in reflecting on a man of his worth and eminence. However," said I, (who was willing to be a little plain before parting, and to leave something with her in her own vulgar language that might stick and abide by her,) "such carriage to him would never, while the world stands, induce me to listen to such a motion as yours. For the very same names as you give to him now, would you in a little time give to me, and, perhaps, yet worse; crying that you had got out of the frying-pan into the fire," pp. 306-309.

On returning to London, he was offered the choice of two situ

ations, the one as assistant to the pastor of a congregation in Blackfriars, the other to one at Bristol. To the latter he went upon trial, and his principal, a Mr. Weeks, is described as having an unwieldy body, broken with infirmities; but a mighty voice and a great spirit.' Calamy's mother, however, was so urgent in her persuasions, that he yielded to her wishes, and resigned his intentions of settling in Bristol, which the good old lady said would be to her just like burying him. He therefore returned to London, resigning the offer of a hundred pounds per annum, which he was to have received at Bristol, and which was at that time a considerable sum, for one of forty pounds, which was all that his employers in London could afford. Even this was collected with great difficulty, and a proposal being made from a congregation in another part of the town, Calamy removed thither, and was paid sixty pounds a year for his services. Soon after this change in his situation he appeared before the world as an author, and published a set of sermons on the subject of vows, which were well received, and considerably increased his reputation. About this time also he married Mrs. Mary Watts, daughter to Mr. Michael Watts, 'who dealt in Yorkshire clothes and Kersys. She had,' says he, universally a good character, was a member of Mr. John Shouer's congregation, of a singularly good temper, and one of my own mother's choosing; and our match was generally applauded.' In speaking of his father-in-law, he relates an anecdote, curiously illustrative of the situation of the Dissenters in the time of Charles II. Mr. Michael Watts was a man of note and of consequence in his party, and was accordingly marked out as a fit object for the proceedings of Doctors' Commons. But though belonging to a sect not at all remarkable for containing many humourists, he was well known for his merry disposition and jocose fancies. On the day, therefore, preceding that on which the threat of the court was to be put in execution, he went down to Doctors' Commons, and inquired for Dr. Pinfold, the most determined man in the prosecutions of the non-conformists. Mr. Watts informed him that he had business of importance to consult him upon, and at last persuaded the Doctor, though he was greatly engaged at the time, to agree to follow him to the Horns Tavern in the neighbourhood. When he arrived there, his client, instead of entering upon business, began to ply him with the merriest stories he could remember, and with the best wine of the tavern. Having continued these operations for some time, and seeing his companion's eyes sparkle with good humour, he told him to look in his face, and tell him if he could see any thing offensive in it, or for which he should not be suffered to live undisturbed and in quiet? The Doctor was a little startled by this question, but answered, that it was strange indeed if a gentleman of his pleasant temper was not permitted to live without disturbance. It is so, replied the non-conformist, and especially as my neighbours respect me, and I pay every man his

own, love the King, and can drink a glass with a friend as cheerfully as any one. He then communicated his name, and Dr. Pinfold told him he could hardly have believed that the Fanatics, who were usually so morose, sullen, and ill-tempered, had such a merry man among them, and concluded the interview by saying, “Mr. Watts, if any of our officers should hereafter go about to give you disturbance, do but come and take a bottle with me, and tell me some more of your merry stories, and I will take effectual care to screen you." The consequence was, that Calamy's father-in-law was never again troubled by any threats from Doctors' Commons. The memoir being in the form of a journal, and most of the information it contains being in short passages, and sometimes even in notes, it renders the attempt at any thing like an analysis impossible, but we turn to those parts of it which may give the best idea of its general contents. In the year 1702, Calamy published the first edition of his Abridgment of Baxter's Life, prefacing the work by "An Essay towards a list of the Ministers who were ejected as non-conformists, by the act of uniformity (1662); and an account of the reasons they gave for their conduct, with respect both to non-conformity, and occasional conformity." He also added to it, "A continuation of their history till the year 1691." Before sending the work to press, he used every precaution to secure its correctness, and prepare himself against the attacks which it would probably provoke from the opposite party. For this purpose he was anxious to get a sight, if possible, of Lord Clarendon's history, which was then printing at Oxford, and which he suspected might clash with Baxter's account of the same period. Should this be the case, a sight of the former would enable him, he observes, either to soften matters by marginal notes, or provide himself with what vouchers he could get, in support of the particulars of Mr. Baxter's narrative.' To compass, however, this important object was not an easy task, and having arrived at Oxford, taking every precaution to prevent his presence there being known, he began to employ his wits about the steps to be taken in the enterprise. The only way it appeared by which he could obtain a view of the manuscript, or what was already printed of Lord Clarendon's work, was through the printers; going, therefore, early in the morning, to a coffee house near the university printing office, he inquired if any of the workmen lived near with whom he could have some conversation; he was told there was, and one was introduced to him, from whom, having given him his morning draught, he learnt many particulars about what was going on in the office, but not a word was spoken about the only work which he cared to hear named. At length he ventured to inquire, if the History of the Civil War was not printing at that office? He was answered that it was, but with great care and secrecy, lest any London bookseller, by getting the sheets, should print it in a cheaper form, and so hurt the sale of the larger edition. Calamy

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on this assured him, that he was no bookseller, but would give any consideration to inspect the work! No offer, however, could induce the man to give his assistance in the affair, and it would be a difficult matter wholly to justify Calamy in taking these measures to effect his purpose. He must have been singularly blind at the time to every thing but his work, not to have seen that he was very improperly tampering with the honesty and trust-worthyness of a person who had no right whatever to grant his request. But this consideration either was not of sufficient weight with him, or did not enter his mind; for having returned to his inn, he sent for a periwig-maker, whom he had formerly known at Oxford, and of him he inquired, if he could not manage to find a workman in the university printing office, whose circumstances were low and strait, and who found it hard to provide for his wife and children, and to keep the wolf from the door; that upon the prospect of a little good eating and drinking, and a piece of money in his pocket, might be prevailed with to help him to a sight of the printed sheets.' This idea is not a little calculated to render us still more doubtful of Calamy's conduct in this business, and unless we could find some trifling apology for him in his desire to render Baxter as correct as possible, we should regard the whole transaction as meriting unqualified reprobation. But to proceed; the wig-maker told him that he knew a person who he thought would answer his purpose, and he immediately went and brought back with him a Dutch pressman, whose circumstances were such as to leave him open to the influence of a bribe. From this man he learnt, that the workman with whom he had spoken before on the subject, had given a full account in the office of the interview he had had with him, and that it was generally believed he was a London bookseller. Calamy then gave the true reason for his anxiety to see Lord Clarendon's history, promising at the same time, that if he would comply with his desire, and tarry with him while he was running over what he brought him, he would give him meat and drink to his satisfaction, and a piece of money at last, to carry home to his poor wife and children." The bargain being thus struck, the Dutchman agreed to do as he was requested, only stipulating, that Calamy should keep himself private, and that if it should become known that he had seen the work, it should not on any account be mentioned by what means he had obtained the sight of it. The printer then retired, and in about two hours time came back to Calamy, bringing with him part of the copy, and the whole of the work which had been already printed. Calamy observes, that Lord Clarendon has not only shown the greatest prejudice, but taken little pains to conceal it, leaving it so glaring, that the least discerning readers may discover its influence on his statements.' The Abridgment of Baxter's Life was received by the. public with great interest, and the whole first edition was speedily sold off. There is every reason to suppose that the sale and general

attention which it excited were aided by the circumstance of the History of the Rebellion appearing at the same time. It obtained for the editor and abridger considerable notoriety, all parties being interested in it, and many both of the one side and the other praised him for his undertaking, and the manner in which he had executed it. It was not, however, without some danger of trouble, that he published this work; and he was threatened, soon after its appearance, with the censure of the convocation. But his own resolution, and that of the publishers was nothing daunted by this threat, and when one of the latter was informed of the intention which their opponents had in view, the bookseller replied that he should be greatly obliged to his informant if he would be so good as to tell any of the members of the convocation, that if they would put their design in execution, he would willingly present such of them as were most active with a purse of guineas, not doubting but that the affair would turn out to him a profitable business.

We cannot follow this useful and entertaining work any further, but we have already given our readers a sufficient specimen of its style to enable them to judge of its general character. It is one of the best auto-biographies extant.

ART. X.-The Family Library, Vols. I. to IX. London: John Murray 1829.

No one, we should think, can take up these beautiful volumes and compare the insignificant price at which they are sold, with the rare union of intellectual and mechanical excellence which they display, without acknowledging that they originate in great good sense joined to a spirit of great commercial liberality. We do not pledge ourselves to approve of the whole contents of each book, but as it is not our practice to find fault without producing the grounds of our censure, we are obliged to pass over the greatest part of these volumes, and confine our observations to those in which is contained the complete history of the Jews.

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The story of this, the most ancient and singular people on the face of the earth, is, for obvious reasons, the best authenticated that has ever reached us. The account of their early condition rests on the credit of the sacred volume itself, and in whatever country they afterwards appeared, the Jews always became marked objects for particular observation. Hence it is that the historian finds so little to perplex him in ascertaining the truth respecting the principal events of which the Hebrew annals are composed.

That portion of the history which is derived from the Old Testament, is here very properly included within a small compass. Commencing a more copious narrative at the point where profane history begins its task, our author unfolds with great clearness and strength of expression, the strange and varied fortunes of the Jews from the era of their return from the Babylonian captivity to the subjugation of Judea by Vespasian, and their final extinction as a political com

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