more quickly gained the sympathies of the southern Germans. 49; and that fact accounts for the change. | sent of the then crown-prince, though he Even the sad recollections of the consti- bravely led the Prussian troops against tutional conflict of 1862-66 faded away Austria. In 1870 he, therefore, all the after a while. During that struggle, Herr von Bismarck once threatened the representatives of the people with "having the regulations for menials (Gesinde-Ordnung) read to them" as a corrective. He and his royal master were then spoken of, in and out of Parliament, as "Stratford and Charles Stuart." Nations, as a rule, have not very long memories for wrongs done to them. They are easily satisfied, and it requires a great deal of monarchical perversion to rouse their anger, or even to turn them away from those feelings of exuberant loyalty to which they are rather prone. So it came to pass that he who once had borne the hated name of "the Grapeshot Prince," he against whom Freiligrath had hurled one of the most scathing poetical anathemas, was at last fondly spoken of as "the Emperor Whitebeard"-in allusion to that Kaiser Frederick the Redbeard, who, in the later popular tale, was said to sleep entranced in the hill until the day came when he would revive the glory of the empire. But though the German people readily forgot much, William I., on his death-bed, still ordered the decoration, founded in remembrance of the sanguinary deeds of 1849, to be placed in his grave! In the tragic affliction of his successor, there has been no stint of sympathy even among men holding doctrines at variance with dynastic institutions. Martial, but not a martinet, the new emperor has given his proofs of courage. At the same time he is not eager for fresh laurels, but well disposed for the maintenance of that peace which, in truth, has been the aim and object of the German nation and government ever since the signal victory over French aggression. In the constitutional conflict which brought Prussia to the verge of revolution, Frederick III. is said to have been averse to the dictatorial system of that "budgetless government," for which Prince Bismarck himself had afterwards to seek a bill of indemnity. Against an oppressive press ordinance he spoke out in terms of protest. In latter years the present emperor and his gifted wife have occasionally shown marked friendliness towards an eminent scientist who in those Parliamentary struggles had played a firm and characteristic part - namely, to Dr. Virchow. If general report can be trusted, the war undertaken against the German Confederacy had also not the as The war of 1866 had been undertaken against the grain of the Prussian people itself, whose Landwehr men had in not a few cases to be forced into it. It was the most risky undertaking, France and Russia lying in wait to step in, if its issue had been in any way delayed. The statesman who brought on that war, himself said years afterwards that "if he had failed, the very women of Berlin would have killed him with their brooms." In the Reichstag he more than once recently avowed that it was a "fratricidal war (Bruderkrieg). Owing to the national disruption which was its result, the Man of December and his minister Lavalette imagined that Germany was now hopelessly cut up into "three stumps" (trois tronçons), and that France would have it her own way. So the Luxemburg question first came up, like sheet lightning; and then the terrible storm of 1870-71. Fortunately the south-Germans stood true to the cause of the Fatherland, in spite of fratricidal precedents. They did not aim a "stab at the heart" of Prussia, as the Italians had been bidden to do against Austria. They valiantly fought, under the leadership of the crown-prince, for the common country. The rapidity with which decisive victories were thus won, prevented Count Beust from carrying out his traitorous schemes in concert with the Duc de Gramont and Napoleon III. In 1878, Prince Gortschakoff sought to act in collusion with France against the German Empire. Fortunately, the Austrian government then did also not remember 1866, but entered into an alliance which has ever since been a guarantee of peace. After the accession of Frederick III., his former utterances have been ransacked, from the days of his early corre-. spondence with Queen Victoria and the prince consort down to recent times. Many have gathered hope therefrom. Men do not easily cease to put their trust in princes. There are some facts to the credit of the new monarch. When monuments were unveiled for Schleiermacher, the philosophical theologian, and for Baron Stein, or when the Humboldt Centenary was celebrated, the then crownprince joined in the manifestations in words showing contact with the more progressive ideas of the age. In the case of Humboldt, it must not be forgotten, political views of that man of light and leading in science had come out after his death, which utterly shocked the retrograde parties. The absolutist parole going round in those days was, that "the court had nourished a snake at its bosom." All this did not prevent the crown prince from doing proper honor to Humboldt, who, down to his last days, had gloried in the remembrance of the French Revolution as a great act of popular emancipation. Great interest has always been taken by the present emperor in the communal affairs of Berlin. In its town council a number of Progressist leaders hold seats. Under the administration of these advanced Liberals, the German capital is known to be one of the best regulated-a perfect model in its way. In politics, it has kept steadfastly to the Fortschritt creed. Hence frequent attacks in government journals, which disgraced themselves by speaking of the "Progressist ring." Now, there is a letter dated January 3rd, 1883, and addressed to the town's authorities, in which the crown-prince expressed his full acknowledgment of the intelligent and thoughtfully systematic care which the civic administration devotes both to the physical welfare and the intellectual and moral culture of the popu lation." He added: "Wherever I found an opportunity for visiting institutions of the town, I have always been filled with lively satisfaction by the success achieved, which I had occasion to observe." In regard to the intolerable claims of the Papacy, there is a letter of his of 1878, when he acted as a regent. He then wrote to Leo XIII. that "the demand to have the constitution and the laws of Prussia altered in accordance with the statutes of the Roman Catholic Church cannot be acceded to by any Prussian monarch, because the independence of the kingdom, whose maintenance has been entrusted to me for the present as an heritage of my forefathers and as a duty towards my country, would suffer a diminution if the free movement of its legislation were to be subordinated to a power standing outside of it." At the same time, Prince Frederick expressed a hope concerning a mutual spirit of conciliation. As a Freemason, in 1883, he gave a toast to "Enlightenment and Progress," declaring: "Our time demands light and intellectual improvement. However dear existing institutions may have become to us, we must not uphold them simply because we have received them by way of tradition, as a thing we are accustomed to. Therefore, let the parole be, not to stand still, but, Progress!" In the same spirit he made it a point, a few years ago, to be present at a lecture of the Berlin School Board councillor, Mr. Cauer, in honor of the humanitarian philosopher and poet Lessing, the friend of Mendelssohn. That was at a moment when the vile anti-Semite agitation raged most fiercely. In the lecture itself weighty blows were dealt out to the Stöcker party. The crown-prince, to all appearance, enjoyed it extremely. It is to his honor that he has repeatedly shown his contempt for a rowdy movement of intolerance and for mediævalist atrocities, which he regards as a disgrace to a so-called age of high civilization. The impotent rage of the Stöcker gang may be gathered from the fact of placards having been found recently on some trees and houses at Charlottenburg, with the inscription: "The Jews' Emperor, Frederick Cohn!" It is said that the object of this lampoon had one of the placards brought up to him, and felt amusement thereat. The empress herself, who holds in these matters the same enlightened views as her husband, is the object of persistent depreciation on the part of the bigots and abso lutists. She is known to take a hearty interest in the bettering of the condition of womankind, as well as in the improvement of the lot of the poor. Scientific and artistic affairs she follows earnestly and with much taste. To her, Dr. Schliemann, the famed discoverer, dedicated one of his last great works. The foreign policy of England as well as of her adopted country she studies with intelligent attention. All this has not shielded her against invidious attacks; but she may find satisfaction in the knowledge that the group from which they proceed, is one not in harmony with the progressive mind of Germany. To Dr. Simson, the president of the Imperial Court of Justice, the present emperor once said: "I have seen war, and I must tell you that it is the greatest duty, if possible, to avoid war." He evidently wishes to be a prince of peace, if France will only act upon the dictates of reason, and if the czar will not pursue a headlong policy of masterfulness. Royal marriages do not concern us very specially; but is it not absurd that a German Kaiser's daughter should not be free to bestow her hand upon a German prince of her personal predilection, whilst Russian czars and grand dukes, often for political purposes, have chosen partners for life among German princesses? As to her western neighbor, Germany, for so many centuries encroached upon, was at last driven to resume that true natural frontier which is clearly and visibly indicated by the range of mountains, as well as by the ancient history, the race, and the language of Alsace-Lorraine. It is to the advantage of France herself, whose republic was established through the victories of Germany, that no false hopes should be raised. That republic can only live if it gives up all thoughts of revenge. Any other course will bring upon it a new dictatorship, a loss of its liberty, and, finally, another merited defeat. Meanwhile, by a faultless decree, the new German ruler has shown that he means firmly to maintain the boundary set by the Peace of Frankfort. Those who have closely studied German affairs were convinced years ago and the writer of these pages has often given utterance to that opinion that, with the accession of the present emperor, the Ego et rex meus policy would lead to a friction threatening a rupture. This prevision has been confirmed quickly enough. In the midst of a fatal illness, and with matters complicated by the would-be overbearing conduct of the heir-apparent, the first signs have come of a portentous strife. Our own desire in this crisis has been "nothing to extenuate or aught set down in malice." Whilst continuing to hold principles which those quarrels cannot affect, and whilst ready to acknowledge any good done by friend or adversary, by popular leader or prince, our heart's wish is always for the progressive freedom, the real and larger union, the social welfare, and the national strength of the Fatherland. From The National Review. BERTHOLD AUERBACH. BERTHOLD AUERBACH is one of the few contemporary German authors who may be said to be really known outside the confines of his Fatherland. The names of other writers are familiar to literary students, but his alone is current, even to the person popularly called the 'general reader." The cause for this lies, in a great measure, in the fact that Auerbach, in his "Black Forest Tales," opened out an almost new branch of literature, one on which he certainly impressed a new character, and one that could be read VOL. LXII, 3208 66 LIVING AGE. with pleasure, even by foreigners, a tribute which cannot always be paid to German novels. In any case, be the causes what they may, the fact remains; and hence in England, too, some interest may be felt in becoming better acquainted with the man. His nature and character are not such as we like less when we learn to know them better, too often the case, unhappily, of late, as the result of memoirs and autobiographies. On the contrary, intimate knowledge shows how earnest was this writer, how high and serious were his aims, how single-minded - almost childlike his character. It had ever been Auerbach's intention to write his autobiography when the evening of life should come. As a mere youth the idea was already present, yet notwithstanding, and most unfortunately, the purpose remained unfulfilled. When composing the first chapters, death unexpectedly laid its hand upon the writer and stopped his pen forever. But even on his death-bed Auerbach had time to recall this life-long wish, and dictated a message to his old true friend and namesake Dr. Jacob Auerbach of Frankfurt-on-Main, with whom for over fifty years he had corresponded intimately, desiring that, in place of his autobiog raphy, these letters should be published. His wish has been fulfilled, exactly as he desired it, with the omissions and restrictions ordered by him, and the German reading world has a memorial of their au thor doubtless far truer than the proposed autobiography, written after the lapse of time, colored with the remembrance of old age, could possibly have been. The two goodly volumes that contain these letters are not rapid reading. They are too full of thought for that, they touch topics too profound and deep. Auerbach was a man whose chief interests were turned inward. No petty gossip, few dayby-day incidents, fill up his epistolary communications. They are rather occu pied with thoughts suggested by the events, with the ethical and philosophical conclusion to be thence deduced. Of the many personal comments that occur, none, perhaps, strike more at the very root of Auerbach's being than this, which he wrote when mortal illness first overtook him: "I was, and am to this day, a homo novus in the world, all appearances and institutions are new to me, and I search after their final cause. Herein consists the central point of my professional peculiarity, whose nature has been denoted as naïveté, and from out this central factor I have formed that which I have created, egoistic reasons, for in future days I want to find in my letters to you the milestones of my life.' for all life was to me as new as it was holy." And this sense of newness no custom could dull in this gentle, childlike spirit. The advent of spring, the song of Berthold Auerbach was born (28th Febthe lark, the smell of the upturned earth ruary, 1812) in the little Black Forest in the fields, was as delightful to the vet village of Nordstetten, the youngest of a eran as to the boy. His whole life was one family of eleven. His parents were of praise and thanksgiving to his Maker, wealthy at the time of his birth, and it was not formulated in Pharisaic prayers, but expected that Berthold would enjoy all ever present, ever active, as the ground- educational advantages. He was destined tone of his being, the music of his life. for the Jewish priesthood, and at thirteen, So genuine and spontaneous a nature according to Hebrew custom, was initiated naturally possessed the child's love of into the ceremonies of his religion. While communication. It never occurred to pursuing his theological studies, his parAuerbach that what was interesting to ents lost their wealth, and he was thrown himself, what concerned himself, should more or less on his own resources. He not also be of interest and concern to managed to continue his education, howothers. He gave freely, but was as willing ever, though the struggle was often hard to receive freely, and to life's end he could and keen. Some of the first letters date not comprehend why people called him from this period, and make us acquainted vain on this account. And, indeed, in his with the earnest, true, and study-loving case it was not vanity that made him com- youth. Already we find him interested in municative, it was rather a too high and Spinoza, and it was probably his studies trusting idea of his fellow-men, to whom of this great Jewish thinker that led him he, in his turn, would as readily have to abandon the idea of a narrow rabbinical given the sympathy and the interest he career, and to devote himself to wider expected to find in them. Of course he humanistic studies. At the same time, did not always find it; of course, too, men he never, by act, separated himself from laughed at his naïve trustfulness, and the ranks of Israel; he remained a Jew in abused his kindness. The modern ideal sympathy to his life's end, and was buried, man and woman are reticent. We are by his own wish, in the Jewish graveyard only interested in psychological develop- of Nordstetten. He early recognized the ments when we find them between the futility of petty creed distinctions for the covers of a book; to study them in corpore true wide thinker, and left formalism of vili is held bad form or dull, and hence any kind to those who love the letter Auerbach, with his good-natured garru- rather than the spirit. He was a nature lousness, was specially out of place when worshipper, like Wordsworth, a humanist in his later years he moved to Berlin, in the fullest sense of the word, like the where, above all, the buttoned-up ideal great thinkers of the renaissance. “Huprevails, and people are not psychically manism," he once wrote to his friend, confidential because they have little psyche" is like the mathematical line, ie., the to confide. Military rigorism and subtle truest thing that is, and which yet is nofeelings cannot go hand in hand with the where extant in reality. Yet everything mass of the people. Well for Auerbach, must be measured by it. Still, even here therefore, that then and always he had one we must practise resignation, vis-à-vis of true friend, whose ears were ever open to reality." listen to his voice, whose interest was ever ready for all he had to tell. The letters to Dr. Auerbach are a perfect repertory of all that ever moved the writer's heart, that ever raised his soul. They are, indeed, a kind of general confession, such as all true autobiography should be, but rarely is. Here we learn to know Auerbach, from the days of his struggling but hope-filled boyhood, to his sadder manhood, his lonely old age. Once, when little over twenty, he wrote to his friend, saying how he had resolved that he would always and often communicate with him, so that in spirit at least they might live on together, adding, "I wrote to you also from Like most German students, Auerbach wandered from one university to another, now following a course of studies at Munich, now at Heidelberg, now at Tübingen. Those were the times before '48, when Germany was sunk in a despotism of petty sovereigns and princelings, of which we in England can form no notion, and when the most elementary ideas of freedom were absent. Auerbach, ever a lover of genuine, steady progress in the best sense of the term, like most of the students, was a rebel against this allquenching authority, and was suspected of subversive ideas, on which account he was rusticated in one university, and at tism, and who in his person adumbrates the development of the Jews to philosophical freedom and cosmopolitan citizenship in the history of mankind; the thinker who thirsted after truth, and who rewarded mankind for the obloquy they heaped upon him by works of immortal wisdom. Already, while in prison, Auerbach had com of a Thinker," intended, at the time, to be part of a series of Jewish tales to be issued under the collective name of "The Ghetto." Here the life story and the tenets of Spinoza are told in the form of a novel, and a lively picture is given of the man and philosopher. The Spanish persecutions are introduced, the love of Spinoza for a Christian maiden, the daughter of his master, Van der Ende, his renunciation of Judaism, his excommunication by the Synagogue, his refusal to embrace Christianity, his studies of Talmud and Cabbala, which led him to comprehend the nullity of all theological endeavors, and landed him in the haven of independent, unshackled thought. In the end he dies of consumption, and in one of his fevered sleeps, sees a vision of Ahasuerus, the wandering Jew, who comes to his bedside, kisses him, and says: "Oh, my son, thou art come to be a saviour of mankind, and me, too, thou wilt save. Those who are of thy race have rejected thee; those who are not of thy race have be trayed thee; they have embittered thy sweetest feelings; but thou, thou knowest no anger, thou hast rewarded them with the truth." another time was confined for two months | Auerbach's interest should but deepen in in a fortress. His participation in polit- the great Jewish thinker, who also strug ical revolt was, however, more apparent gled himself free from rabbinical dogmathan real, for he was too much of a philosopher, had too intimate a knowledge of the necessarily slow process of change, to believe in the efficacy of any violent revolution. But in those days, in Germany, it was only needful to have some feature of the face which happened to be distasteful to the police official of the place, in order to be subjected to a confinement on sus-menced a work called "Spinoza: the Life picion, for which no reason was ever assigned. Meanwhile, the real Auerbach, not Auerbach of police imagination, was far more occupied with falling in and out of love than with politics, his open heart making him peculiarly susceptible to the tender passion; and he was, further, earning his literary spurs by reviewing in one of the leading periodicals of the time. Before he was twenty-four he was thus gaining a fair livelihood, and in 1836 he issued his first independent work, a pamphlet, entitled "Judaism and Modern Literature," a work omitted later from his collected writings, but too characteristic of its author to be wholly passed over. It speaks the sentiments of which all his life long he was the champion, and alas! needed to be, seeing that during his lifetime, barbarism, in the shape of religious persecution, grew rather than declined, in his fatherland. The little work was a courageous, noble attempt to preach to deaf ears and hardened hearts a fact which should be a mere commonplace, namely, that the Jews are not active enemies to the Christian religion, and that they are as good patriots as other religious branches of a community. "As the relation to the antique forms the aesthetic The book, whether regarded as the work measuring-rule of contemporary culture," of so young a man, or by itself, is a rehe writes, "so the relation towards the markable one, and none the less because Jews forms the ethical. As the Bible, the form in which it was clad may be translated into every living speech, has regarded as unfortunate. A novel must. become the medium and departing point after all, appeal mostly to the mass of of language and culture development, in readers, yet Auerbach has here, in novel the same manner the scattered Jewish form, attempted to give a serious exposi race has engrafted itself into all nationali- tion of a philosophical system. Conseties, a living testimony of the humanistic quently he lets his hero expound the ideas inherent in all peoples." Even in quintessence of his views in the course these days, when dependent on literature of conversation, and this, too, in his for his subsistence, he notes his resolve own words, borrowed from the "Ethics" not to become a professional scribbler, and the "Tractatus Theologico-Politicus." nothing shall flow from his pen that does Hence arises an impossible admixture not spring from his soul—that, he says, of book style and lifelike conversation, would be lowering his highest good and which, from a critical point of view, can he kept his resolve till his last day, though but be condemned, since no person speaks the temptations to break it were many. as he expresses himself in writing. This While thus occupied with broad human- philosophical language and thought is inistic questions it was very natural that consistent with the plastic pictures of con |