expedient for the country. I, however, think it a direct support of an idolatrous and superstitious religion. In the eye of God's word, Maynooth is a nursery of idolatry, (cheers) the sin denounced by God. In 1839, the Queen, whom God long preserve and bless! signed in Parliament the declaration you heard read just now; and now, not eight years afterwards, she, who declared Popery to be idolatrous and superstitious, is asked by the same Parliament to sign an Act for the training up of teachers of that idolatrous and superstitious religion; this, too, during her youth and inexperience. The Prime Minister must have made the same profession. He is a member of the Church whose Articles declare the doctrines of Rome to be repugnant to the word of God. Surely, he does not hold the Articles in a "non-natural sense." (Cheers.) Is he in one breath to say, in the words of the Thirty-first Article, "that the mass is a blasphemous fable," and in another, "I will compel all who believe in that Article, to contribute to train up those who believe these blaspemies to be truth"? It will not do for the Prime Minister to sneer at the truthful maxim, "that what is morally wrong cannot be politically right," the observance of which has gained our dear Lord Ashley so much love. Popery is a persecuting religion, and Maynooth teaches that doctrine to its pupils. Will nothing open our eyes: not Achill, Dingle, Madeira, Tahiti? (Cheers.) Popery is the pointed object of prophecy as evil and dangerous. To those who have scriptural knowledge, it is clear that Popery is predicted as the grand corruption of Christianity, as "Babylon the great, the Mother of Harlots." (Cheers.) This is the testimony of the Church in which I live, of Cranmer at the stake, and Ridley in his parting letter. God mercifully delivered this country from this apostasy at the Reformation, and since then, our country has been peculiarly honoured. Let us not be guilty of the ingratitude of slighting our best mercy. God appeared too at the Revolution in 1688, which was the foundation of our constitution, and if Maynooth prospers, the right of the Queen is reversed. This grant is paying money to undermine the throne as much as if it had been spent in buying the barrels of gunpowder which were used by Guy Fawkes. Our national evils have brought this upon us. We have been ungrateful for the blessings we have received. I confess and mourn over the semi-Popery which has arisen in our Church. (Cheers and hear.) Let us humble ourselves, therefore, in the sight of God. What are the motives

of this grant? Both principle and expediency concur against it. Maynooth has already promoted discord-it is not expedient to pay for the teaching of idolatry, which is rebellion. It is not expedient to provide training in those doctrines which would consign Protestants to the stake. It may be expedient to remove alienation, but not to reward insults by bribes. What the Prime Minister has described as gracious and liberal, is, in fact, mean, petty, and hollow. When the Minister had committed himself, by stating his intention of proposing this grant, Mr. Shiel warned him that the measure would not satisfy the Catholics, for they made it a point of honour, that Trinity College, Dublin, should be thrown open to them. If the State cannot uphold principle, and the truth of God must be maintained as second only, it is best for the State to let all alone. (Loud cheers.) What should we say to paying the teachers of Christ's truth and those of Juggernaut? The principle is the same. But if the State feels itself incompetent to choose between truth and falsehood, would it not be best to leave all to themselves; but to support truth and falsehood at the same time is not wisdom, but presumptuous meddling with sacred things. It is a principle of the Constitution that no one can reign but he who derives his authority from Christ and governs by his laws. We owe all our blessings to our national adherence to the pure word of God, and our avoidance of the corruptions of Popery. Let us not then join our people to these abominations, but transmit this faith unimpaired to our children's children. But the grand question is, how can we practically work at the present moment? danger is intensely imminent. The different political classes that will unite against us are most formidable. Those who ought to have been the leaders in the opposition to it, have gone over to the enemy's camp. All mere political parties are against us. It is a grand religious question. (Hear, hear.) Nothing but downright Christian principle can make men stedfast for the word of God against all party considerations whatever. We have seen how the Roman Catholic Emancipation Bill was carried, in 1829; we have seen how the Socinian Endowment Bill was carried last year, against a meeting similar to this; and unless far larger and more prayerful efforts are made, the Maynooth grant will be carried this year, and this country will be involved in all the guilt of training up teachers of idolatry. (Cheers.) This is a time specially needing, first, the union of all who love the Lord Jesus Christ

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in sincerity. I hope God is drawing us nearer and nearer. Let us lay aside, as much as may be, our differences. We agree in main things. Let us, now those main things are in danger, merging all minor differences, contend together earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints. Let us give the right hand of fellowship to all our brethren, who love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity. (Applause.) Then, secondly, let there be zealous exertions throughout the country; and I hope this will be the beginning of Meetings throughout the land. (Hear, hear.) Let us take a lesson from our enemies. How was the Socinian Endowment Bill carried? I have in my hand an extract from a Report of the Presbyterian Union, delivered in May, 1844. It is short, but it is exceedingly instructive as to the way in which they exerted themselves. It attributes much of their success to the labours of that Association, saying how much they have laboured, and with what skill they have conducted the business entrusted to them; with what patience, and zeal, and ardour, they have encountered and overcome difficulties; that they have succeeded in getting numerous, repeated, and almost daily interviews with the leading members of Government, and with noblemen and gentlemen of influence connected with the Legislature, by deputation after deputation, and conference after conference. Friends on the platform! Listen and see what you have to do to make men clearly understand the merits of the question, and to imbue them with a strong feeling of the necessity and justice of your interference. (Hear, hear.) The Report goes on to say, "It is not possible for your Committee in this Report fully to unfold or exhibit the importance of these labours." Well, let us learn from them a lesson of zeal. (Hear.) But beyond all, we want a realizing faith in the omnipotence of God. (Hear, hear.) True it is, our difficulties do seem very fearful and very tremendous in removing the obstacles to our success; but God has the hearts of all in his hand, and in him we trust. He can move monarchs and statesmen, and Lords, and Commons, and Administrations. Oh that our God would bring us to a more simple faith in the Omnipotence of God, and to more fervent and united prayer for his interposition on our behalf, for "vain is the help of man!" (Hear, hear.) It is only as our God appears for us that we can hope to triumph in that all-important work we have brought before you, in preserving our Protestant faith in our beloved country.

J. C. EVANS, Esq. seconded the resolution.

Sir CULLING EARDLEY SMITH, Bart.-I do not think Her Majesty's Government could have calculated upon such a Meeting as this being held here to-day; but when I say the Government, I would not forget men of all parties in the House of Commons, and from what I know of politics, they have been reckoning either upon our differences or our divisions. It is too much the habit with public men to measure the religious fervour of the country by what they know of the religious temperature of the House of Commons: they are too apt to imagine that because we are not entirely agreed upon some occasions, we are not really and solidly united upon such an occasion as this. But this Meeting will undeceive them. (Hear, hear.) Such an opinion can only rest upon a false estimate of the religious feeling of the country; but a few weeks more will tell all public men that there is such a Protestant feeling in the country that it must not be trifled with by any party. (Cheers.) I have the honour to submit to this Meeting the third Resolution:-" Resolved,-That believing the proposal for increased public support to the College of Maynooth, made by Her Majesty's Government, to involve the whole question of national endowment of Popery, and regarding it as an important step towards the full establishment of the Romish Church in Ireland, this Meeting would call upon all true Protestants of every denomination, throughout the empire, to unite in opposing a measure fraught with such pernicious consequences, and by Petitions to Parliament, and all other constitutional measures, to make known their utter repugnance to the national recognition and maintenance of the Romish faith."-Whatever may be the position of this question with regard to the existing grant, the people of this country will most strenuously resist any increased grant to Maynooth. (Hear, hear.) Resolution states, that the new proposition is part of a series; an important step towards the full establishment of the Romish Church in Ireland. I wish I could say that this was the first step; but I think that the Irish Charitable Bequests Act passed last year did involve the proposition of the establishment of the Romish Church in Ireland. By that Act, the succession of the Roman Catholic priesthood was recognized and legalized for the first time; and now they have given the priests a legal status they would provide them with the means of occupying that status. (Hear, hear.) After they have educated them for it, they will pay them for occupying it. (Hear.) I think

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you, Sir, (the Chairman,) will go back to the House of Commons with increased satisfaction, and you will feel that the Protestant Church stands by you; and while this scene is fresh in your mind, you can go back and tell them of this truly Catholic Meeting. You can tell them that, though there were differences on minor points, we all agreed in our opposition to this grant; and if you are met by any one saying that you are blind to the principles of religious liberty, tell them that there were men here who understand them as well as any one in the House of Commons, for no one can understand them who does not understand religion itself, and that there is no bigotry and blindness so great as that of public men, who are so set on governing Ireland through the Romish hierarchy, that they would throw our religion and liberty at the feet of the Roman Catholic clergy.

The Rev. GEORGE CUBITT shortly seconded the Resolution, and urged that the Roman Catholic religion claimed a supremacy over all Europe, and while they eagerly sought to make proselytes everywhere, scrupulously denied to Protestants the same privilege in countries where it was established as the religion of the State.

The Rev. WM. CHALMERS of the Free Church of Scotland, moved, in a powerful and energetic speech, the fourth Resolution, to the effect," That a Petition founded on the Resolutions which had been passed, should be adopted by the Meeting, and lie for signature at Messrs. Seeley's, Nisbet's, &c.; and that the gentlemen whose names were read, form a Committee to carry out the objects of the Meeting."

The Rev. WM. CURLING, of St. Saviour's, Southwark, seconded the Resolution at some length.

The Petition for signature was then read. George Finch, Esq., then moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was seconded by the Rev. Edward Pizey, and the Meeting separated at five o'clock.

AN ADDRESS

To all those who, in England and Wales, Scotland or Ireland, take a part in the various religious Societies for maintaining and promoting Protestant Christianity, whether at home or abroad, the following suggestions are offered as of special and practical importance in the present critical position of affairs, as affecting the question now under consideration, for increasing the amount of money yearly given to disseminate the Errors of the Church of Rome.

You justly esteem true religion to be the pearl of great price. You regard the Bible as your best earthly treasure, and are engaged in a great and good work whilst endeavouring to make known to others the glorious truths which have imparted peace to your own consciences. You desire that the Word of the Lord should have free course and be glorified. How, then, can you consistently support the Church of Rome, which seeks in every way to obstruct the progress of the everlasting Gospel, and cast it in the back-ground, by placing the dark shadows of traditions before it.

Do not your missionaries, when they return from Pagan lands, or from various countries on the Continent, speak to you of idolatrous practices exhibited there by Popery, not so gross, perhaps, but equally dishonouring to God-equally dangerous to the souls of men as the various superstitions of the East, or other Pagan countries? How often is the Jew, when addressed to change his state of unbelief, for Christianity, stumbled by witnessing the idolatrous practices of the Church of Rome, and identifying Christianity with Popery?

Do not those who are employed to circulate the Holy Scriptures in benighted countries, where Popery prevails, report constantly the fierce opposition raised up against them by the priests of the Church of Rome? Are not proceedings in England and Ireland oftentimes obstructed by the active energies of Roman Catholics? Do not the Scripture-readers, the agents of the Pastoral-Aid, the Foreign-Aid, City Mission, and other Societies, bear too ample testimony to this, to allow the fact to be disputed?

To say no more of the manner in which Popery stealthily works her way, what recent exhibitions have we lately had of Rome's fixed determination to establish her superstition on the ruins of Gospel light, scriptural primitive Christianity? What but Popery has been the latent, if not the avowed, cause of the evils brought upon Tahiti? What but Popery has been instrumental in blasting there, for a season, the bright prospects of missionary labour?

Is not the same spirit exhibited in the proceedings which have lately taken place at Madeira? Do not the fierce persecutions at Dingle, Achill, and elsewhere in Ireland, clearly demonstrate that Popery seeks still to quench the light which would expose her errors, extinguish the flame of pure religion which you by your pious labours would kindle, and rob mankind of that blessed bookthe Bible — his inalienable birthright, his best companion from the cradle to the grave?

ON THE IMPORTANCE OF OPPOSING ERROR IN A RIGHT SPIRIT.

Ir is perhaps impossible for those who are at all alive to what is now passing around them, to remain wholly unmoved at a time like the present, when the whole Protestant feeling of the country seems roused to oppose a measure fraught with more dangerous consequences to those interests, which are, or ought to be, dearer to Christians than the air they breathe or the life they enjoy. It is well it is our bounden duty to contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the Saints, but it is well also in meekness to instruct those who oppose themselves, and to take heed what manner of spirit we are of. It is well to attend the crowded meetings, to lift our voices as the voice of one man against what we believe to be subversive of the glory of God-the present as well as the dearest interests of our fellow-men; but it is better for us to bow our knee in the secret chamber, and there to lift our voice in earnest prayer to Him who turned the Council of Ahithophel into foolishness, to spread the cause as Hezekiah spread the letter of Sennacherib before the Lord of Hosts, the God of Israel. Whilst many regard the proposed measure, as to Maynooth, as one which will heal the wounds of Ireland, and convince Romanists of our kindly feel

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ing and lessened prejudice, and emancipate her from the thraldom under which she groans, let us not be deceived by such sophistry, remembering that nothing can make her free but the truth as it is in Jesus, that truth which the Romish Church so cruelly and systematically persecutes.

Let us view this struggle in its right character; let us regard it as a struggle between the powers of Light and Darkness-the enemies and the friends of the Almighty. Let us look well to ourselves, lest Protestants only in name we fall from our stedfastness in the hour of trial; let us oppose by every lawful means in our power, but let love to our God, and love and pity to our fellow creatures, misled and deceived as we believe them to be, be the motives from which we oppose; let us fix our eye on the first martyr of the Christian Church-follow him as he followed Christ. We ought to have the spirit of martyrs, though we may not be called to martyrdom.

Happily as yet the power of persecution is not sufficiently revived by the Church of Rome. But we have an abundance of proof to shew, that not the will, but the power to persecute is wanted by her. Witness all the proceedings at Malta, Madeira, Tahiti, Dingle, Switzerland, and elsewhere; and then in a perfect consciousness of the dangers of giving ascendency to the Romish