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of the offence being repeated; and 3. He also prohibited them from seeking by any means whatever to convert to Protestantism the Papist, united in marriage to a Protestant, or any other Papist, and forbad them to allow Papists to frequent Protestant religious assemblies, under pain of the application of article 1 and 2 of the penal code.

In harmony with such measures, Popish churches and convents are being reared in the valleys, in the midst of a population almost entirely Protestant; none, if possible, but Popish labourers are permitted; and lastly, the decree which enjoins the Vaudois to sell in the space of two years the property which they possessed beyond the ancient limits fixed for them, if it has not yet been carried into execution, has not been officially rescinded, and is a constant source of anxiety to interested parties.-L'Esperance,

Nov. 19.

Bavaria. We read in the Universal German Gazette, that the Synod of Ansbach has represented with firmness and dignity the grievances of the Protestant Church. The Government has excluded from the assembly many lay-members, whose presence and speeches there is feared, who are nevertheless most honourable men. The Bavarian Minister has refused, among others, to confirm the nomination, as a member of Synod, of the worthy burgomaster of Regensberg, M. de Thow. Dittmer. This is a member of the Chamber of Deputies of Bavaria; he is in the first rank among the deputies who have with so much courage demanded the entire liberty of the Evangelical Church, and who have endeavoured to induce the Bavarian Government to act in a more constitutional and tolerant manner.-L'Esperance, Jan. 31.

Hanover.― Letters from Hanover state that a portion of the goods of the Bishop of Hilderheim have been seized by order of the authorities, in consequence of his refusing to pay the fine imposed on him for causing the Ultra-montane Catechism of Father Canisuis, a Jesuit, to be reprinted without the sanction of the censorship.-Morning Herald, Feb. 4.

Published under THE PROTESTANT

At F. BAISLER'S

124, Oxford-street;

SIMPKIN, MARSHALL & Co.

W. DAVY & SON,]

Portugal.-Our readers will no doubt recollect that the Portuguese Bishops brought before the Chamber of Peers a motion tending to prohibit heretical Bibles, and to submit every book entering the kingdom from without to censors, who should examine them to see that they did not contain any errors or immoralities. (In this motion the religious books circulated by Protestants have been associated with various immoral books!) The sellers of these books, and also the readers, the motion set forth, should be visited by the most severe penalties. This proposition was sent to a commission (committee) for examination, the result of which has been the rejection of the entire motion.-L'Esperance, Feb. 11.

Prussia.-At Bromberg, in Prussia, a congregation of Catholics has separated from the mother Church. It refuses to acknowledge the authority of the Pope, as head of the Church, or to continue auricular confession, but it preserves the celebration of the mass.

The Magdeburg Gazette states that some influential inhabitants of Dusseldorf have formed the idea of establishing a Christian Catholic Communion in that town, and have conferred with several pupils and friends of the late Professor Hermes, in order to arrive at a full understanding of the doctrines of Hermesianism, and to reduce them to a system in accordance with their own dangers. -Morning Herald.

Another work of the Special Publications of the Protestant Association has just appeared-Accusations of History against the Church of Rome. By the Rev. G. Townsend, M.A. Prebendary of Durham. Revised and corrected by the Rev. J. E. Cox, M.A., Senior Curate of Stepney, &c.

It is expected that the Protestant Association will hold a great Meeting in Exeter Hall, in opposition to the proposed increased grant to Maynooth College. Of this, further notice will be given as arrangements are completed.

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"If they speak not according to this word, it is because there is no light in them."-Isaiah viii. 20.

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ENDOWMENT OF POPERY.

A Meeting to oppose any increased grant to Maynooth, was held on Tuesday, in the Great Room of Exeter Hall. J. P. Plumptre, Esq., M.P., in the chair. There was a very full attendance, and upon the platform, which was crowded with gentlemen, we observed, amongst others, Lord Farnham, Sir C. E. Smith, Bart., Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel, Rev. Tennyson Cuffe, Rev. J. Burnett, Rev. E. Auriol, G. Finch, Esq., J. C. Evans, Esq. (Barrister-at-law), and Dr. Sleigh.

Dr. Holloway offered up a solemn and affecting prayer.

The Rev. J. Blackburn read the fortysixth Psalm, the favourite one of Martin

Luther.

The Chairman then rose and said,-My Protestant friends, we are assembled together at this time on, as it seems to me, a most important occasion. I rejoice to believe that I am on this occasion surrounded by Protestant Christians of every denomination. And I rejoice to know and to believe, my Protestant fellow-subjects, that ministers and Christians of every Protestant denomination, will have the honour, and as they will feel it to be, their duty to address you. If, as is the case in a world where sin hath made so many rents and sown so much division, we cannot all of us see eye to eye, yet I bless

VOL. VI.

God for the belief that there is a large body of Christians in this Protestant country, who can agree, and who do agree together in this, that there is one book above every book (hear, hear); and that is God's book (hear, hear); and that there is one name above every name, and that that is the name to which we are all looking for our common salvation.

The Hon. and Rev. BAPTIST NOEL then rose to move the first Resolution. He said, Feeling, as I do, that it is not for clergymen to mix in party politics, if I saw anything in this meeting intending to embarrass the Government or make a party movement, I should have felt considerable hesitation in appearing to-day. But whatever may be my objections to this grant, and however freely I may express that objection, I feel that no exclusive blame attaches to Her Majesty's Ministers, because they are sustained by some of the most able and enlightened statesmen of all parties. Whatever some may think of Exeter Hall, that it is such a magazine of fanaticism that it needs but a spark to ignite, and that every Protestant who attends the Meetings there, when he goes forth, is ready to plunge his dagger in the first Catholic he meets, I have no feelings of the sort, and I entered this room and now address you without any bitterness against, or dislike to, my Roman Catholic fellow-subjects. I lift my voice

against no secular or civil privileges the Roman Catholics ask for, but I ask your opposition to a grant, the effect of which is to endow and sanction the doctrines of the Church of Rome. I here draw a distinction between the encouragement of their secular interests and this sanction of their doctrine. Whatever difference of opinion may exist, every one must at least see this palpable distinction. A person may support a measure to remove the civil disabilities of the Jews, while at the same time he may, on religious grounds, protest against the payment of Jewish rabbies. The one he may consider a measure which their numbers, wealth, and intelligence may justify, while, by the other, he would be sanctioning doctrines which blaspheme our Lord and Saviour. There is no conceivable difference in principle between paying to educate priests in Roman Catholic doctrines, and paying to educate the people in Roman Catholic doctrines. The two principles are the same; and if it is just for Protestant senators to vote money that Roman Catholic students be taught Roman Catholic error, then it is equally right that when they have received this education, they should be enabled to propagate those notions which English legislation has enabled them to learn. So let us not deceive ourselves with the idea that this is any final measure. It is most distinctly a measure introductory to another, the payment of the Roman Catholic priests in Ireland. I would therefore argue it on that ground, and beg you to consider how far it is legitimate that Protestant senators should vote away the public money for the payment of the Roman Catholic priests of Ireland, or how far it becomes a Protestant people, who have the right of petitioning, coldly and inertly to suffer such legislation to go on. But, let me ask, what Protestant senators, what Lord Stanley, and Lord Sandon, and Mr. Gladstone do, if they vote for money to go to the support of Roman Catholic doctrine? They know, full well, as Protestants, that the Sacrifice of the Mass is taught by the Roman Church, which impairs the glory and darkens the efficacy of the only one great sacrifice which the Lord Jesus Christ has made for sinners. (Hear, hear, and approbation.) And yet they would pay men for learning that doctrine first, and promulgating it to their fellow-men afterwards. (Hear, hear.) They know full well that the Roman Catholic Church will teach men to bow down to statues and pictures of saints. We must not deceive ourselves with the imagination that this measure is not likely to be carried. If the Protestants of this

country are now inert and silent, it is not in the smallest degree improbable that this measure will pass, and this principle be consecrated once and for ever-that the priests of the Roman Catholic Church are to be endowed in Ireland. Upon you, then, I think, it depends to resist this measure. In a free country like this, where public discussion has much influence, there are three things which a Minister of the Crown is likely to do in preparing any measure which is obnoxious, to deliberate secretly, to act with promptitude, and to show an unswerving resolution. Hence is the necessity, if any feel their principles aggrieved, and outraged, that they should make the matter as public as possible, that they should act with equal promptitude, and oppose to the Minister's resolution an equal resolution. They should act without asking whether success is probable. Each one should act as if success depended on him alone. Now we have seen what combined exertions may do, in recent measures, and measures of the same persons. I appeal to the Dissenters of this country, as well as to the members of the Church of England; I appeal to the Church of Scotland, and to the Free Church of Scotland; I appeal to all who have ever been distin guished by their adherence to Evangelical truth, that they should now manifest a combination against this measure; and Sir Robert Peel himself, and all the members of the Cabinet, will not venture to stand against them. For what object should they have in doing so? He has manifested his own good-will to the Roman Catholic population of Ireland; and if this measure should be withdrawn at your earnest solicitation, and in compliance with Petitions poured in from every part of this country, he will only be paying a grateful tribute to the loyal and manly Protestants. If I have used in this address any expression in the least degree unfair to those against whom we are opposed, I assure you that it was far from my intention and from my heart to do so. I wish the greatest good to Ireland, and to the Roman Catholic portion of our fellow-subjects there. If there were any measures proposed and carried by which her commerce could be enlarged, and the richest merchandise poured into her shores, by which her bogs could be reclaimed and her agriculture improved, the huts of her poor inhabitants well glazed and furnished, if I could behold rising up on the lovely banks of the Shannon villas as lovely in every direction, nothing would be more agreeable and gladdening to my heart. As sincerely as Mr. O'Connell himself I wish

for Ireland that she may be

"Great, glorious, and free,"

and with but one other lovely exception alone,
which Mr. O'Connell would permit to an
Englishman, that she may be

"First gem of the earth,
First isle of the sea."

(Loud and repeated cheering.) It is not in
a bitter spirit, but be assured in a Christian
spirit, that we come here this day. Believing
that we entertain the soundest prineiples, we
are obliged to act in this way. I wish no
ill to that gentleman, but that when he is
obliged to retire, through the infirmities of
age, from the fierce strife and passionate
contests of political life, he may learn, in
the seclusion of Derrynane, to commune with
God in secret, to read and meditate on his
holy word, and, in full and complete reliance
on the atoning blood and all-satisfying
merits of the blessed Saviour, to prepare for
a better and a happier home. (Loud and
repeated cheers.) I heartily rejoice in that
response which this Protestant meeting has
given to that sentiment (renewed cheers),
because it shows what the spirit of Protest-
antism is; and it will enable any who differ
from us in our opinions to be more tolerant
and more charitable to us when we further
add, that as believers of the Gospel, as dis-
ciples of Christ, as Englishmen, and as
friends of Ireland, we cannot but protest
against the endowment of doctrines which
we know (an interruption, "Believe, you
mean!") which we know to be superstitious,
and calculated to injure the best interests of
our country and our people. I beg to
move the following Resolution :-"Re-
solved,--That this Meeting, recognising
the holy Scriptures as the only unerring
rule and standard both of faith and prac-
tice, and convinced by the testimony of that
word that the doctrines of the Church of
Rome, as defined by the Council of Trent,
embodied in the Creed of Pope Pius IV.,
and exemplified in its general practice and
teaching, are superstitious and idolatrous,'
and opposed to the best interests of society,
and to the welfare of immortal souls, must
regard all support and countenance given to
such a system by the State as calculated to
bring down the judgments of God upon this
Protestant country."
The Hon. and Rev.
Gentleman resumed his seat amid prolonged

6

cheering.
The Rev. CHARLES PREST, Wesleyan Mi-
nister, seconded the Resolution. He would
congratulate the Meeting on the presence
in the chair of Mr. Plumptre. In a day when
many public men were consistent only in
inconsistency, it was refreshing to meet with

a really consistent public man. He (Mr.
Prest) rejoiced in our land being a great.
and glorious land, but how came it to attain
that character? He answered that her pros-
perity and her influence had gone on with
greater force because for centuries she had
been a Protestant land. (Cheers.) Look at
the building up of our liberty and of our
Constitution, and when did our country put
forth the latent elements of her greatness, but
when the incubus of Popery had been removed
from the public mind, and from our insti-
tutions? The question to-day was this,-
Was the country which had been made great
by Protestantism to abandon that which had
built her up? Were we, because we now
were great, to imagine that we could stand
without that help which had made us so, and
to rank this system with others which had
been detrimental to the welfare and liberty
of the country. We were not prepared to
do this. We were somewhat discouraged by
the state of indifference to religion which the
age exhibited, when all systems were re-
garded as equally important or unimportant.
But there were on the other hand encourage-
ments. The British and Foreign Bible
Society had not laboured in vain in Ireland.
Sunday schools had been established, by
means of which truth had been instilled into
the youthful mind. There was encourage-
ment in the establishment of Evangelical
truth and vital godliness in the hearts of
thousands. Here were the elements of
power and of truth, the antagonistic elements
against Popery, and till they were neutra-
lized, the errors of Popery could not prevail.
There was some encouragement in the deter-
mination not to tolerate innovations in the
modes of worship which tended towards
Popery. (Loud cheers.) Some men had
gone on too fast for their Jesuitical in-
structors. (Cheers.) They should have
done what they wished gradually, and not
suddenly have come out with innovations,
by which the latent principles of Protest-
antism were aroused. (Cheers.) That was
a spirit not easily laid when once aroused,
(continued cheering,) and it was soon shown
that there could be no submission to such
base thraldom. (Cheers.) There was energy
in the country, and this Meeting would tend
to stir it up. This was no ordinary Exeter
Hall Meeting at which people were accus-

tomed to sneer; there were elements in it

which did not always come together in Exeter Hall. They had been driven together, not by fear, but to devise opposition to this measure, like men and Englishmen, to look the danger in the face, not to say hard things of their opponents, but to oppose a system which

me."

write to his representative, and tell him if
he upholds this proposition for an increased
grant to Maynooth, he would not support
him at the next election. (Cheers.) He
(Mr. Prest) had done it. It was not a thing
likely to have much effect when a Parlia-
ment was young, but when, as now,
it was
on the eve of expiring, it was very likely to
be effectual. Let all Protestant men do
something to show a stern and uncompro-
mising resolution not to permit the dignity
and influence of this nation to be frittered
away by the machinations of the Roman
Catholics, or yielded by the cowardice of
any men whatever.

That

they all thought immeasurably dangerous. would advise every Protestant elector to There was encouragement in this, "the Lord of Hosts was with them, the God of Jacob was their refuge." He could imagine Luther using this psalm when in the face of Europe he made Popery quake. They wanted Luthers now, not bowing men of expediency. (Cheers.) The champions of expediency could be taught a lesson by Protestants. What had created expediency in Ireland? Agitation. This might be fair, but should the Papist express his opinion and the Protestant not? Let them tell Parliament that they would not allow such legislation, and if there were a Protestant demonstration, it would be far more expedient for the Government to bow before the force of Protestant opinion than to quail before Irish agitation. It was said that this was a political question. If it were so, he (Mr. Prest) would have nothing to do with it; but it was not that. Men said, as a clergyman he should not meddle with them; but he replied, "Then do not let them meddle with If politics came in the way of religion, of the Bible, of human souls, then he must, as a clergyman, lift up his voice against them. He considered himself, therefore, now as much in the discharge of his duty as if employed in a direct ministerial office. He denied that there was any compact to support and endow Maynooth. If there was a compact, let it be brought out before a Committee of the House of Commons, and before a farthing was voted there ought to be an inquiry into its truth. It was said that they were opposing Ireland; but was it come to this, that Popery and Ireland were identical? No. He reciprocated the feeling of Christian regard and charity which had been expressed by the Hon. and Rev. Mover of the Resolution towards the Roman Catholic population of Ireland and towards Mr. O'Connell himself. A Protestant was truly Catholic, (he knew what he was talking about,) but it was one thing to be a Catholic and another to be a Roman Catholic. (Cheers.) Protestants were the true Catholics. They wished to rid Ireland of Rome, because they loved the souls of Romanists. It was said, the priests, by this grant, would have better education, and would be made more finished gentlemen. If that were so, he would not grudge them a little. But it would not come to that. More money, more priests of the same sort. If the heads of houses there were what they are, they could not make the priests better. It would be still the same murky poisonous stream, overflowing Ireland with more force. They were met to-day to oppose that. He

The Rev. EDWARD BICKERSTETH then rose to propose the second Resolution :"Resolved, That the support so long given to the College of Maynooth, in which those doctrines are taught, by an annual Parlia mentary grant, has ever been viewed with the greatest repugnance by the large majority of British Protestants of all denominations; and that this Meeting is convinced that the said grant has been maintained during past years, notwithstanding the repugnance, mainly from an impression on the minds of many persons that the national faith was pledged to its continuance. this Meeting, however, is unable to discover any evidence of such alleged compact or agreement, and fully believe the said impression to be certainly erroneous, and that no such engagement ever was entered into." He said, I appear at this Meeting simply because I believe it to be a solemn duty to my country and to my Saviour. We British Christians, and especially we ministers, have the Protestant faith of our forefathers deposited with us, to keep undefiled and hand down to our children. I believe it to be in imminent peril now from various quarters and this grant is one. I view it as a religious and not as a political question. I thank God for his grace to myself, and I thank him for what I have already heard to-day. There has been no reviling of rulers, or speaking evil of dignities, against which we are strongly warned. It is not in the spirit of hatred, but of grief and sorrow, and humiliation, that I speak against this measure as a national sin in the sight of God. (Hear, hear.) I doubt not but that the Prime Minister thinks it is for the good of the country, and for the advancement of national prosperity. I admit his capabilities for knowing what is calculated to be good for the country. He never would have parted with his friend, Mr. Gladstone, if he had not thought this measure

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