law was in him, he might legally grant him a reprieve, which must be good in law; but he would not advise it. That which he proposed was, that Lord Strafford should send him a petition for a short respite, to settle his affairs and to prepare for death, upon which he advised the king to come next day with the petition in his hands, and lay it before the two houses, with a speech which he drew for the king, and tested against it, and on learning that the step | the king pleased, since the execution of the was actually taken, he gave himself up for lost.* He had judged truly. The leaders of the Commons took advantage of the occasion it offered. The Presbyterian pulpits of the following day, which happened to be Sunday, sent forth into every quarter of London cries of "justice upon the great delinquent ;" and on the succeeding morning, furious multitudes, variously armed, thronged the approaches to the House of Lords; placarded as "Strafford-Hollis said to him, he would try his interest ians, or betrayers of their country," the names of those commoners who had voted against the attainder; and shouted openly for the blood of Strafford. Pym, meanwhile, had discovered and crushed a conspiracy for his release, which had originated in the court, and was disclosed by the inviolable fidelity of the governor of the Tower. No hope remained. The lords, proceeding upon the judicial opinion I have named, passed the bill of attainder, voting upon the articles judicially, and not as if they were enacting a legislative measure. The Earl of Strafford, with a generosity worthy of his intellect, now wrote to the king and released him from his pledged word. "To say, sir," he wrote in the course of this memorable letter, "that there hath not been a strife in me, were to make me less man than, God knoweth, my infirmities make me; and to call a destruction upon myself and my young children (where the intentions of my heart at least have been innocent of this great offence), may be believed, will find no easy consent from flesh and blood." Its concluding passages ran thus: "So now, to set your majesty's conscience at liberty, I do most humbly beseech your majesty, for prevention of evils which may happen by your refusal, to pass this bill, and by this means to remove, praised be God (I cannot say this accursed, but, I confess), this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed agreement which God, I trust, shall ever establish between you and your subjects. Sir, my consent shall more acquit you herein to God than all the world can do besides. To a willing man there is no injury done. And as, by God's grace, I forgive all the world with a calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul, so, sir, to you I can give the life of this world, with all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just acknowledgment of your exceeding favours, and only beg that in your goodness you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and his three sisters, less or more, and no otherwise, than as their (in present) unfortunate father may hereafter appear more or less guilty of this death." The singular note which has been preserved by Burnet, and which relates circumstances taken from the lips of Hollis himself, continues the deep interest of this tragic history: "The Earl of Strafford had married his sister: so, though in the Parliament he was one of the hottest men of the party, yet when that matter was before them he always withdrew. When the bill of attainder was passed, the king sent for him to know what he could do to save the Earl of Strafford. Hollis answered that, if * Clarendon and Radcliffe. among his friends to get them to consent to it. He prepared a great many by assuring them that, if they would save Lord Strafford, he would become wholly theirs in consequence of his first principles, and that he might do them much more service by being preserved than he could do if made an example upon such new and doubtful points. In this he had wrought on so many, that he believed if the king's party had struck into it he might have saved him."* While the party thus prepared to second Hollis waited their time, the king suddenly resorted to a different scheme, and, having with tears in his eyes signed the commission for giving assent to the bill, declaring at the same time that Strafford's condition was happier than his own, sent the Lords a letter, written by his own hand, and, as a farther proof of his deep interest, with the young Prince of Wales as its messenger. "I did yesterday," ran this letter, "satisfy the justice of the kingdom by passing the bill of attainder against the Earl of Strafford; but mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a king as justice, I desire at this time, in some measure, to show that likewise, by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close imprisonment; yet so, if ever he make the least offer to escape, or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of public business, especially with me, either by message or letter, it shall cost him his life without farther process. This, if it may be done without the discontentment of my people, will be an unspeakable contentment to me. To which end, as in the first place, I by this letter do earnestly desire your approbation, and to endear it more, have chose him to carry it that of all your House is most dear to me. So I desire, that by a conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment, assuring you that the exercise of mercy is no more pleasing to me than to see both houses of Parliament consent, for my sake, that I should moderate the severity of the law in so important a case. I will not say that your complying with me in this my intended mercy shall make me more willing, but certainly 'twill make me more cheerful in granting your just grievances. But if no less than his life can satisfy my people, I must say-fat justitia. Thus, again recommending the consideration of my intention to you, I rest." The following was added as a postscript: "If he must die, it were charity to reprieve him until Saturday." Hollis's scheme was now thoroughly defeated, and death secured to Strafford. This pitiable letter ended all. It is a sorry office to plant the foot on a worm so crushed and writhing as the wretched king who signed it, for it was one of the few crimes of which he was in the event * Own Time, book i. thoroughly sensible, and friend has for once co-operated with foe in the steady application to it of the branding iron. There is, in truth, hardly any way of relieving the "damned spot" of its intensity of hue, even by distributing the concentrated infamy over other portions of Charles's character. The reader who has gone through the preceding details of Strafford's life can surely not suggest any; for when we have convinced ourselves that this "unthankful king" never really loved Strafford; that, as much as in him lay, he kept the dead Buckingham in his old privilege of mischief, by adopting his aversions and abiding by his spleenful purposes; that, in his refusals to award those increased honours for which his minister was a petitioner, on the avowed ground of the royal interest, may be discerned the petty triumph of one who dares not dispense with the services thrust upon him, but revenges himself by withholding their well-earned reward-still does the blackness accumulate to baffle our efforts. The paltry tears he is said to have shed only burn that blackness in. If his after conduct indeed had been different, he might have availed himself of one excuse; but that the man who, in a few short months, proved that he could make so resolute a stand somewhere, should have judged this event no occasion for attempting it, is either a crowning infamy or an infinite consolation, according as we may judge wickedness or weakness to have preponderated in the constitution of Charles I.* Sufficient has been said to vindicate these remarks from any, the remotest, intention of throwing doubt on the perfect justice of that bll of attainder. Bills of attainder had not been uncommon in England; are the same in principle as the ordinary bills of pains and penalties; and the resort to that principle in the present case arose from no failure of the impeachment, as has been frequently alleged,† but because, in the course of that impeachment, circumstances arose which suggested to the great leader of the popular cause the greater safety of fixing this case upon wider and more special grounds. Without stretching to the aightest extent the boundaries of any statute, they thought it better at once to bring Strafford's treason to the condemnation of the sources of all law. In this view it is one of their wisest achievements that has been brought within the most hasty and ill-considered cenFire-their famous proviso that the attainder should not be acted upon by the judges as a precedent in determining the crime of treason. As to Strafford's death, the remark that the People had no alternative includes all that it is Decessary to urge. The king's assurances of bis intention to afford him no farther opportunity of crime, could surely weigh nothing with men who had observed how an infinitely more disgusting minister of his will had only seemed to rise the higher in his master's estimation for the accumulated curses of the nation. Nothing but the knife of Felton could sever in that case the weak head and the wicked instrument, and The world will more readily forgive the faults of Strafford than they will acquit Charles for having consented to his death. See Jesse's Court of England under the Starts, vol. 1, p. 370.-C.] The judges and peers voted judicially even on the bill, As has been already stated. R it is to the honour of the adversaries of Strafford that they were earnest that their cause should vindicate itself completely, and look for no adventitious redress. Strafford had outraged the people: this was not denied. He was defended on the ground of those outrages not amounting to a treason against the king. For my own part, this defence appears to me decisive, looking at it in a technical view, and with our present settlement of evidence and treason. But to concede that point, after the advances they had made, would have been in that day to concede all. It was to be shown that another power had claim to the loyalty and the service of Strafford; and if a claim, then a vengeance to exact for its neglect. And this was done. Nor should the subject be left without the remark that the main principle contended for by Pym and his associates was, at the last, fully submitted to by Strafford. He allowed the full power of the people's assembly to take cognizance of his deeds and to dispose of his life, while most earnestly engaged in defending the former and preserving the latter. Now the calm and magnanimous patience of Strafford was very compatible with a fixed denial of the authority of his judges, had that appeared contestable in his eyes; but we find no intimation of such a disposition. He would not have the Parliament's "punishment precede promulgation of a law;" he pleads that "to be punished by a law subsequent to the fact is extreme hard;" and that "it is hard that there should be no token set by which we should know this offence, no admonition by which we should avoid it ;" and he is desirous that "a precedent may not be derived from one so disadvantageous as this ;" but, in the mean time, the cause is gained, the main and essential point is given up! The old boasts of the lordlieutenant's being accountable to the king alone, of the king's will being the one and the only law of his service, are no longer heard. It may be said that a motive of prudence withheld Strafford from indignantly appealing to the king in his lurking-place from the unrecognised array of questioners and self-constituted inquisitors who had taken upon themselves to supersede him; but when the sentence was passed and its execution at hand, when hope was gone and the end rapidly hastening, we still find Strafford offering nothing against the right. One momentary emotion, not inconsistent with his letter to the king, escaped him when he was told to prepare for death. He asked if the king had indeed assented to the bill. Secretary Carleton answered in the affirmative; and Strafford, laying his hand on his heart, and raising his eyes to heaven, uttered the memorable words, "Put not your trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, for in them there is no salvation." Charles's conduct was indeed incredibly monstrous. Three days more of existence were granted to Strafford, which he employed calmly in the arrangement of his affairs. He wrote a petition to the House of Lords to have compassion on his innocent children; addressed a letter to his wife, bidding her affectionately to support her courage, and accompanied it with a letter of final instruction and advice to his eldest son. * This is in all respects deeply touching :| he had intrusted with the care of his govern"MY DEAREST WILL," he wrote, "these are the ment and family, but who broke his heart on last lines that you are to receive from a father hearing of the sad events that had fallen on his that tenderly loves you. I wish there were a patron; and requested of the Primate of Iregreater leisure to impart my mind unto you, land (Usher), who attended him, to desire "my but our merciful God will supply all things by lord's Grace of Canterbury," his old friend, the his grace, and guide and protect you in all your now imprisoned and afflicted Laud, "to lend ways to whose infinite goodness I bequeath me his prayers this night, and to give me his you. And therefore be not discouraged, but blessing when I go abroad to-morrow, and to serve him, and trust in him, and he will pre- be in his window, that, by my last farewell, I serve and prosper you in all things. Be sure may give him thanks for this, and all other, his you give all respect to my wife, that hath ever former favours." He had previously asked the had a great love unto you, and therefore will Lieutenant of the Tower if it were possible to be well becoming you. Never be awanting in have an interview with Laud, adding, with your love and care to your sisters, but let them playful sarcasm, "You shall hear what passes ever be most dear unto you; for this will give betwixt us. It is not a time either for him to others cause to esteem and respect you for it, plot heresy, or me to plot treason." The lieuand is a duty that you owe them in the memo- tenant, in reply, suggested a petition to the ry of your excellent mother and myself, there- Parliament. "No," was the quiet rejoinder. fore your care and affection to them must be "I have gotten my despatch from them, and the very same that you are to have of your will trouble them no more. I am now petiself; and the like regard must you have to tioning a higher court, where neither partiality your youngest sister, for indeed you owe it her can be expected nor error feared." also, both for her father and mother's sake. Laud, old and feeble, staggered to the winSweet Will, be careful to take the advice of dow of his cell as Strafford passed on the folthose friends which are by me desired to ad-lowing morning, and, as he lifted his hands to vise you for your education." And so the ten- bestow the blessing his lips were unable to utderness of the father proceeds through many ter, fell back and fainted in the arms of his atfond and affectionate charges. With charac- tendant. teristic hope he says, "The king, I trust, will deal graciously with you, and restore you those honours and that fortune which a distempered time hath deprived you of, together with the life of your father." Advice is next given to meet the occurrence of such a chance. "Be sure to avoid as much as you can to inquire after those that have been sharp in their judgments towards me, and I charge you never to suffer thought of revenge to enter your heart, but be careful to be informed who were my friends in this prosecution, and to them apply yourself to make them your friends also; and on such you may rely, and bestow much of your conversation amongst them. And God Almighty of his infinite goodness bless you and your children's children; and his same goodness bless your sisters in like manner, perfect you in ever good work, and give you right understandings in all things. Amen. Your most loving father, THOMAS WENTWORTH."† 66 Strafford moved on to the scaffold with undisturbed composure. His body, so soon to be released, had given him a respite of its infirmities for that trying hour. Rushworth, the clerk of the Parliament, was one of the spectators, and has minutely described the scene. When he arrived outside the Tower, the lieutenant desired him to take coach at the gate, lest the enraged mob should tear him in pieces. No,' said he, Mr. Lieutenant, I dare look death in the face, and the people too; have you a care I do not escape; 'tis equal to me how I die, whether by the stroke of the executioner, or by the madness and fury of the people, if that may give them better content.'" Not less than 100,000 persons, who had crowded in from all parts, were visible on Tower Hill, in a long and dark perspective. Strafford, in his walk, took off his hat frequently, and saluted them, and received not a word of insult or reproach. His step and manner are described At one time, probably, a deeper pang would by Rushworth to have been those of "a genhave been involved to Strafford in this affect-eral marching at the head of an army, to ing surrender of his cherished title than in that of existence itself. But this was not the time. Nothing but concern for his family and friends disturbed the composure of his remaining hours. He wrote kind and encouraging letters to "dear George," as he called Sir George Radcliffe ; shed tears for the death of Wandesford, whom kind unto me. [He also wrote a beautiful letter to Guildford Slingsby, his secretary; this is the finest effort of his pen.-C.] + Strafford Papers, vol. ii., p. 416. The letter bears date the 11th of May, 1641, and has the following postscript: "You must not fail to behave yourself towards my Lady Clare, your grandmother, with all duty and observance; for most tenderly doth she love you, and hath been passing God reward her charity for it. And both in this and all the rest, the same that I counsel you, the same do I direct also to your sisters, that so the same may be observed by you all. And once more do I, from my very soul, beseech our gracious God to bless and govern you in all, to the saving you in the day of his visitation, and join us again in the communion of his blessed saints, where is fulness of joy and bliss for evermore. Amen, Amen." The " youngest sister" was the infant of Lady Strafford. breathe victory, rather than those of a condemned man, to undergo the sentence of death." At his side, upon the scaffold, stood his brother, Sir George Wentworth, the Bishop of Armagh, the Earl of Cleveland, and others of his friends, and behind them the inde fatigable collector Rushworth, who "being then there on the scaffold with him," as he says, took down the speech which, having asked their patience first, Strafford at some length addressed to the people. He declared the innocence of his intentions, whatever might have been the construction of his acts, and said that the prosperity of his country was his fondest wish. But it augured ill, he told them, for the people's happiness, to write the commencement of a reformation in letters of blood. One thing I desire to be heard in," he added, " and do hope that for Christian charity's sake I shall be believed. I was so far from being against Parliaments, that I did always think | Parliaments in England to be the happy constitution of the kingdom and nation, and the best means, under God, to make the king and his people happy."* He then turned to take leave of the friends who had accompanied him to the scaffold. He beheld his brother weeping excessively. "Brother," he said, "what do you see in me to cause these tears? Does any innocent fear betray in me-guilt? or my innocent boldness -atheism? Think that you are now accompanying me the fourth time to my marriage bed. That block must be my pillow, and here I shall rest from all my labours. No thoughts of envy, no dreams of treason, nor jealousies, nor cares for the king, the state, or myself, shall interrupt this easy sleep. Remember me to my sister and to my wife; and carry my blessing to my eldest son, and to Ann, and Arabella, not forgetting my little infant, that knows neither good nor evil, and cannot speak for itself. God speak for it, and bless it!" While undressing himself, and winding his hair under a cap, he said, looking on the block, "I do as cheerfully put off my doublet at this time as ever I did when I went to bed." "Then," proceeds Rushworth, closing this memorable scene, "then he called, Where is the man that shall do this last office? (meaning the executioner). Call him to me.' When he came and asked him forgiveness, he told him he forgave him and all the world. Then kneeling down by the block, he went to prayer again by himself, the Bishop of Armagh kneeling on the one side, and the minister on the other; to the which minister after prayer he turned himself, and spoke some few words softly; having his hands lifted up, the minister closed his hands with his. Then bowing himself to the earth, to lay down his head on the block, he told the executioner that he would first lay down his head to try the fitness of the block, and take it up again, before he laid it down for good and all; and so he did; and before he laid it down again, he told the executioner that he would give him warning when to strike by stretching forth his hands; and then he laid down his neck on the block, The paper of minutes from which he had spoken this speech was afterward found lying on the scaffold, and was prated by Rushworth, vol. viii., p. 761. See Appendix to the Memour. stretching out his hands; the executioner struck off his head at one blow, then took the head up in his hand, and showed it to all the people, and said, 'God save the king!"" Thus, on Wednesday, the 12th of May, 1641, died Thomas Wentworth, the first Earl of Strafford. Within a few weeks of his death the Parliament mitigated the most severe consequences of their punishment to his children, and in the succeeding reign the attainder was reversed, the proceedings obliterated, and his son restored to the earldom.* A great lesson is written in the life of this truly extraordinary person. In the career of Strafford is to be sought the justification of the world's "appeal from tyranny to God." In him Despotism had at length obtained an instrument with mind to comprehend, and resolution to act upon her principles in their length and breadth, and enough of her purposes were effected by him to enable mankind to see "as from a tower the end of all." I cannot discern one false step in Strafford's public conduct, one glimpse of a recognition of an alien principle, one instance of a dereliction of the law of his being, which can come in to dispute the decisive result of the experiment, or explain away its failure. The least vivid fancy will have no difficulty in taking up the interrupted design, and by wholly enfeebling or materially imboldening the insignificant nature of Charles, and by according some half dozen years of immunity to the "fretted tenement" of Strafford's "fiery soul," contemplate then, for itself, the perfect realization of the scheme of "making the prince the most absolute lord in Christendom." That done, let it pursue the same course with respect to Eliot's noble imaginings, or to young Vane's dreamy aspirings, and apply in like manner a fit machinery to the working out the projects which made the dungeon of the one a holy place, and sustained the other in his self-imposed exile. The result is great and decisive! It establishes, in renewed force, those principles of political conduct which have endured, and must continue to endure, "like truth from age to age." [The eulogy of his enemy Whitelocke deserves to be his epitaph: "Thus," he says, "fell this noble earl, who for natural parts and ability, and for improvement of knowledge by experience in the greatest affairs; for wisdom, faithfulness, and gallantry of mind, hath left few behind him that can be ranked as his equals."-C.] APPENDIX TO THE LIFE OF THE EARL OF STRAFFORD. MY HUMBLE OPINION CONCERNING A PARLIAMENT IN THIS YOUR MAJESTY'S KINGDOM OF IRELAND. CHARLES R. We ap Sect. 6, 7, 8, 9. point the time of the meeting to be in Trinity term next, for the reasons you here allege. 6. In the second place, the time your majesty shall in your wisdom appoint for this meeting imports very much; which, with all submission, I should advise might not be longer put off than Easter, or Trinity term at farthest; and I shall crave leave to offer my reasons. 1. Albeit the calling of a Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. Upon Parliament in this kingdom these reasons alleged by you, is at no time of so much hazand the confidence which we ard, where nothing is prohave that you have well weigh- pounded as a law before it ed all the circumstances men- first borrow motion from your tioned by you, or otherwise majesty's immediate allownecessary to the calling of a ance under your great seal, Parliament; and especially as it is in England, where 7. The improvements mentioned in my despatch to the relying upon your faith and there is a liberty assumed to lord-treasurer, from which I no ways recede, would not be dexterity in managing so offer everything in their own foreslowed, wherein we lose much by deferring this meetgreat a work for the good of time and order; and this sub-ing, a circumstance very considerable in these streights, our service, we are fully per- ordination, whereunto they wherein, if surprised, might be of much disadvantage, in suaded to condescend to the have been led by the wisdom case the Parliament answer not expectation; and to enter present calling of a Parlia- of former times, is ever to be upon that work before would be an argument for them to ment; which, accordingly, we held as a sacred prerogative, scant their supply to your majesty. authorize and require you to not to be departed from, in do, and therein to make use no piece to be broken or inof all the motives you here fringed. Yet is the proposipropound. tion always weighty-very necessary to be considered with great deliberation-whether the present conjuncture of affairs doth now advise a Parliament or no? And, after a serious discourse with myself, my reason persuades me for the assembling thereof. 2. For, the contribution from the country towards the army ending in December next, your majesty's revenue falls short twenty thousand pounds sterling by the year of the present charge it is burdened withal, besides the vast debt of fourscore thousand pounds Irish upon the crown, which yearly payments alone are impossible by any other ordinary way to be in time supplied but by the subject in Parliament; and to pass to the extraordinary before there be at least an attempt first to effect it with ease, were to love difficulties too well, rather voluntarily to seek them, than unwillingly to meet them, and might seem as well vanity in the first respect so to affect them, as faintness to bow under them when they are not to be avoided. 3. The next inclination thereunto ariseth in me from the condition of this country, grown very much more civil and rich since the access of your royal father of blessed memory, and your majesty to the crown; that all you have here is issued out again amongst them for their protection and safety, without any considerable reservation, for other the great affairs and expenses abroad; that this great charge is sus tained, and this great debt contracted through employments for a public good, whereof the benefit hitherto hath been entirely theirs; that there hath been but one subsidy granted in all this time, nor any other supply but this contribution; in exchange whereof, your princely bounty returned them graces as beneficial to the subject as their money was to your majesty; so as their substance having been so increased under the guard of your wisdom and justice, so little issued hence from them, the crown so pressed only for their good, and so modest a calling upon them now for a upply, which in all wisdom, good nature, and conscience they are not to deny-should they not conform themselves to your gracious will, their unthankfulness to God and the best of kings becomes inexcusable before all the world, and the regal power more warrantably to be at after extended for redeeming and recovering your majesty's revenues thus lost, and justly to punish so great a forfeit as this must needs be judged to be in them. 4. Next, the frightful apprehension, which at this time makes their hearts beat, lest the quarterly payments towards the army, continued now almost ten years, might in fine turn to an hereditary charge upon their lands, inclines them to give any reasonable thing in present to secure themselves of that fear for the future; and therefore, according to the wholesome counsel of the physician, Dum dolet accipe. 5. And, lastly, If they should meanly cast from them these mighty obligations, which indeed I cannot fear, your majesty's affairs can never suffer less by their starting aside, when the general peace abroad admits a more united power in your majesty, and less distracted thoughts in your ministers, to chastise such a forgetfulness, to call to their remembrance, and to enforce from them other and better duties than these. 8. Again, a breach of Parliament would prejudice less thus than in winter, having at the worst six months to turn our eyes about, and many helps to be gained in that space; where, in the other case, the contribution ending in December next, we should be put upon an instant of time, to read over our lesson at first sight. 9. Then the calling of a Parliament and determining of the quarterly payments falling out much upon one, might make them apprehend there was a necessity enforcing a present agreement, if not the good one we would, yet the best we could get, and so imbolden them to make and flatter themselves to gain their own conditions, and conditions are not to be admitted with any subjects, less with this people, where your majesty's absolute sovereignty goes much higher than it is taken, perhaps, to do in England. Sect. 10. We well approve 10. And, lastly, There be and require the making of two ing some of your majesty's sessions, as you propose. The graces which, being passed first to be held in summer for into laws, might be of great our own supplies, and the sec- prejudice to the crown; and ond in winter, for passing yet it being to be feared they such laws and graces only as will press for them all, and shall be allowed by us. But uncertain what humour the this intimation of two sessions denying any of them might we think not fit to be imparted move in their minds, I conto any till the Parliament be ceive, under favour, it would set. And farther, we will ad- be much better to make two mit no capitulations nor de- sessions of it, one in summer, mands of any assurance under the other in winter; in the our broad seal, nor of sending former to settle your majesover deputies or committees ty's supply, and in the latter to treat here with us, nor of to enact so many of those any restraint in our bill of graces as in honour and wissubsidies, nor of any condition dom should be judged equal, of not maintaining the army; when the putting aside of the but in case any of these be in- rest might be of no ill consesisted upon, and that they will quence to other your royal not otherwise proceed or be purposes. satisfied with our royal promise for the second session, or shall deny or delay the passing of our bills, we require you thereupon to dissolve the Par liament, and forthwith to take order to continue the contributions for our army, and withal to proceed to such improvements of our revenue as are already in proposition, or may hereafter be thought upon for the advantage of our crown. Sect. 11. Concerning the 11. All the objections I am short law to preserve the ut- able to suggest unto myself termost benefit of the compo- are two: That it might rensitions upon concealments, der fruitless the intended imand the plantations of Con- provement upon the concealnaght and Ormond, we like it ments, and prejudice the well, if you can obtain it, for plantations of Connaght and confirmation of what you have Ormond. The former may done, or shall hereafter do easily be helped by a short about those businesses. But law, propounded in my de your promising of such a law, spatch to my lord-treasurer; we doubt, may hinder the ser- and posito, that there no othvice, and cause them to be er law pass the first session: satisfy'd with nothing but a the second is likewise suffispecial statute. ciently secured. Sect. 12, 13, 14, 15. For demands to be made for us, we 12. Then it is to be foreseen what your majesty will |