receive; and, think of the accession which human happiness will derive from the amelioration of government. To the inhabitants of the United States, the spectacle of an oppressed people, endeavouring to become free and happy, must always be gratifying. The attention of a free people, cannot but be excited by events in themselves so likely to call forth sympathy, and doubly interesting in a political point of view, from the circumstance of a former similarity of situation, and the prospect of a like termination. The impression on the mind is increased by the knowledge, that they look to us as a people, once suffering and oppressed like themselves, now free and happy, in consequence of a successful resistance to tyranny. To Europe, the South Americans cannot look for sympathy, still less for assistance in a struggle for freedom; the dead palsy of despotism has seized on all; even in England, liberty is just about to expire. They must rely on themselves, and, in spite of the obstacles arising from three hundred years of Spanish despotism, work out their own salvation. We have no doubt of the fact of their ability, though we admit, that the view of affairs derived from the perusal of this little work before us, is by no means at first sight, encouraging. Still, however, we do not despair: for though dissention is a greater foe to a country endeavouring to shake off the yoke of an oppressive "mother country," than even a defective organization of the means of resistance; and though it may be said, that it is still likely to continue its baleful influence over the political destiny of the South Americans; yet we do not think, that the admission of the fact would be at all conclusive as to the question of independence. They have done too much already in spite of every disadvantage; individual exertion alone, has performed almost enough to permit the new republics to be numbered among the nations of the earth. Their distance from Spain, their visible improvement in political science, their knowledge that they can be free, all, if fairly considered, lead to the conclusion, that the event will take place whenever they will it. It is true, their progress has been retarded; and it will not be a difficult matter to account for the fact. Having reference generally to the circumstances attending our own struggle, we are rather apt to think a certain degree of political information as absolutely necessary to insure the success of a revolution. We are sanguine or not, in proportion to the degree of information that we suppose is possessed by a people of whose case we are judging. And it is true, that the information of a political nature, possessed by the people of the United States, before the commencement of the revolution, did enable them to interest the best and wisest men of the country we were resisting in our behalf. We will admit also, that their approbation was in itself support; and drew along with it, the admiration and assistance of some of the most powerful states in Europe; and that, with their help, we were still a long time in becoming free. These circumstances do not alter our opinion of the result of the contest in outh America. Let us consider that the contest has conti

long; but let it also be remembered, that Spain is unequal to

the task of subduing the patriots; and the fact is all important in forming an opinion. Kept in profound ignorance, as far as possible, by the Spanish government, considered as a degenerate race, and told by the country claiming their obedience, that*" it was unsuitable to promote learning in Spanish America, where the inhabitants appear destined by nature to work in the mines," the South Americans seem to have met with no sympathy in the "mother country," and to be but little noticed by the other powers of Europe. France indeed, under Bonaparte, intended to have used them as part of the means employed to subdue Spain; and England, seems to have once considered them, as objects of commercial cupidity. Abused at home, neglected abroad, they have shown a courage and perseverance worthy of a better fate-we trust it awaits them. They have also shown that they possess ample means for revenge and emancipation; success has generally attended their exertions, and little appears to be wanting to complete their wishes. The "passion of noble minds"-the desire of serving one's country, exhibits itself only in one way; they fight-and fight bravely too-but seem rather forgetful, that something more is requisite, than mere resistance to tyranny. The sacrifice of party feelings is to be made, before the efforts of valour can have their full weight, and we are sorry to say, that, at present we rather hope than look for such a degree of self-denial as is necessary for the purpose of producing union. But though we may regret the effect of dissention, yet we think, that the effects to be attributed to it, relate only to the retarding of the progress of South America in political science, as well as in the work of deliverance; and we do not think, that the result of the contest will be altered as regards old Spain. We have, however, exceeded the limits we had proposed to ourselves in noticing this work; the subject has long been an interesting one, but at present, we offer only the obvious reflections suggested by its perusal. We suppress our conjectures on the probable effect of the operation of South American independence, on our commerce and foreign policy; as conjectures, they are foreign to the view we are taking of the subject before us. We shall briefly,

however, notice the nature and style of the present work. It is a connected narrative of the events that have taken place in that country, since the first appearance of any desire on the part of the inhabitants to do something towards ameliorating their condition. The moderation exhibited in relating the occurrences, and the information collected, with regard to the views and feelings of the South Americans, since the year 1780, will secure the work a favourable reception from the rational politician. The style we shall only notice, to say, that, criticism is disarmed by the circumstance of the author's appearing in a foreign dress; and, by his acknowledgment, that a correct taste will find much to pardon.

* Report made to the king by his Fiscal, on the petition of the city of Merida de Maracaybo, in Venezuela, to found a university.

A race of monkeys, filled with vice and ignorance, automatons, unworthy of representing, or being represented. Report of the Consulado of Mexico to the Cortes of Spain.

ART. IV.-North West Passage.

REASONING from the structure of the globe, individuals

The

have, at different times, entertained the project of a discovery of a north west passage to Asia from Europe. The promise of advantages attending this scheme has sufficed to overcome the objections made to it, on account of the sufferings to be endured, the restricted season of a summer voyage, and the dangers of a frozen sea. To recount the several expeditions that have been set on foot for the purpose of this discovery, would be equally tedious and unprofitable. The most adventurous of these, appears to have been that of the British vessels Dobbs and California. officers of the latter vessel being detached in the boats, reported, that they had found an inlet in the latitude of 64° N., and in the longitude of 32o E. from Marble island, which was three or four leagues wide at the entrance, but, on their sailing eight leagues up it, increased to six or seven leagues wide: that their course so far was N.N.W. by compass, but then it began to turn more to the westward; that, sailing ten leagues higher, it grew more narrow by degrees, till it became but four leagues wide; that, notwithstanding they could perceive the shores opening again, they were discouraged from proceeding farther, because that the waters, from being salt, transparent, and deep, with steep shores and strong currents, grew fresher, thicker and shallower at that height; that they met on their passage with many of the Esquimaux, who, for a trifle, had supplied them with a considerable quantity of fresh venison, and would have procured them more, as well as train oil, of which they had abundance, if they could have spared time. The issue of this inlet is unknown, but, it is probable, may have some communication with a great lake within land, having another outlet of the like nature, into the great western ocean. One circumstance, which they took notice of, gives some weight to this conjecture, viz., that the stream of ebb run faster by one half than in the Thames, for ten hours in twelve, though it was upwards of twelve miles broad, and for the last two hours the flood caused the water to stand still. And though the freshness of the water may seem conclusive against a passage, yet if it had been quite fresh, upon the surface, it would have been far from being so, because, as then it was the season when the snows melt and drain off the land, such a circumstance might have been expected, and is no more than what is found in the Baltic, and on the western coasts of Africa, after the rainy months. In the last place, it may be remarked, that though the tide of flood, coming from the west, might have afforded proof of a passage to another sea, yet a flood from the east is by no means such an absolute and direct proof to the contrary, because it is well known that, in the Straits of Magellan, the tides from the two oceans meet one another, and there is good reason to believe, that whenever a discovery is made of a north west passage, the like will also be found there.

A captain Fox, of the north west company, encouraged these adventures, by asserting that there might be an open sea, as at Cape Pinmark, which has not yet been disproved.

Ellis places the passage at a considerable inlet in latitude 64°, called Chesterfield's Inlet, though with no degree of certainty. He maintains his position by observing that, on examination, the ebb there set in very strong from the westward for eight hours; whereas it flowed but two; and with a motion incomparably slower. At the distance of ninety miles from the entrance, the water, though fresher than the ocean, had yet a very strong degree of saltness; now, if there was no passage, and the water ran down eight hours, at the rate of six miles an hour, and ran up only two hours, at the rate of two miles an hour, the water ought to have been perfectly fresh; since, as no salt water went up for more than two hours, none ought to have come down after two hours ebb, even if the ebb had been as slow as the flood; but as it was much more rapid, it ought to have been fresh sooner. It is certain,

that, if a tide of flood had been met coming from the westward, it would have afforded an incontestible proof of a passage; yet the tide from the eastward does not prove the contrary; since, as before observed, the same occurs in the straits of Magellan, where the tide flows half-way from the eastward, and is there met by a flood from the west.

Another place assigned by Ellis for the discovery of this passage is Repulse Bay: the reasons in support of which are, the depth, saltness, and transparency of the water, together with the height of the tide propagated from thence, which circumstances seem to countenance such an expectation.

So far we are left to mere hypothesis. A Spanish author writes much more decisively, and professes to give an account of the transit being made to within sight of the coast of Asia. The extract has been handed to us by a learned friend, of which we insert a translation. "Political History of the Ultramarine establishments of European Nations, by Edward Malo, of Lugue, duke of Almodovar," in 5 vols. Madrid, 1788. Vol. 4, page 584.

We will conclude this last chapter with the notice of an unpublished Narrative of a Voyage undertaken for the purpose of discovery, which surpasses in importance all that has been said. in the four preceding chapters on so interesting a topic.

It is that of a voyage of captain Don Lorenzo Ferrer of Maldonado, in 1588, from the coasts of Spain to the straits of Anian, with his pilot, John Martinez, a native of Algarve, in Portugal. Sailing from Lisbon, he shaped his course to the north west, as far as the coast of Labrador, then passing Davis' straits, he found himself in the 75th of latitude, in the frozen ocean, and steering west, one-fourth south, he entered the straits of Anian, which, according to his journal, is distant from Spain 1750 leagues by that navigation; from which he got into the southern ocean about 60°. According to his observations, in going, he traversed the strait in February, and passed its outlet in March, during which he

suffered excessively in consequence of the cold weather, obscurity of atmosphere, and ice.

On returning, in the months of June and July, he enjoyed much fairer weather, and when he had passed the arctic circle at 66 degrees and 30 minutes, until beyond the straits of Labrador, the sun never disappeared from the horizon, and the heat was oppressive.

In the Pilots' Journal, the route is precisely laid down, the currents, soundings, and winds, as also the appearance of the coasts of Asia and America are well described.

In some points the course agrees with the observations made in Cook's voyage, and in other respects widely differs; for instance, that navigator placed the strait in 60 degrees, whereas it is ascertained to be in 66, a very remarkable difference.

It is impossible to establish an affinity between this voyage and others which have been attempted. It is indeed surprising how captain Ferrer could reach such a degree of altitude by this side of the globe locked in immense masses of ice. It is difficult to reconcile the identity of the outlet to the strait with the least resemblance that can be drawn from the narrow passages of that one in the north which is not half a mile wide; that which empties itself to the south is more than a quarter of a league, and expands as it draws nearer to the coast-a circumstance not at all conformable; on the contrary, it is entirely opposite to what the strait really is, its mean breadth being at least thirteen leagues.

The difficulty can only be resolved by supposing that the strait was not understood to be that of Anian, or that Ferrer must have gone to some other river that traverses a certain portion of the continent, facilitating his passage, and probably it was at the entrance of Norton or Cook's river, or some other passage of those latitudes of which we have no exact accounts.

The voyage of Ferrer carries with it all the characters of authenticity, he having neither interest nor motive for fiction, nor being acquainted with those observations which are to be found in the apocryphal relation of admiral Fonte, still unpublished, and buried in the dust of royal archives, experiencing that fate which unhappily befals many others, through negligence and the mysterious principles of our own government.

The British legislature in 1746, offered a reward of twenty thousand pounds to any person who should discover this passage. Two vessels were fitted out by a private company, trading up Hudson's straits, and an adequate sum raised for the purpose by shares of 100 pounds each, but the scheme proved abortive.

For the guidance of future navigators, we subjoin a few hints calculated to aid their endeavours in this important object.

Steer your course to the entrance of Hudson's strait, and make any part of the north west coast from Pilot bay, in 62 degrees 30 minutes to Wager straits, touch at Deer sound in that strait, or at Marble island, in case the winds are more favourable, and the sea clear of ice. On falling in with land on that coast try the