debt, or otherwise (and of that reduction tation. They anxiously expected that at the financial transactions of the last year length the detestable traffic in human afforded little hope, since, although the creatures would be denounced and finally Sinking Fund was nominally fifteen mil- extinguished, by the high and assembled lions, it in fact amounted to only three), professors of peace and of Christianity. how should we be prepared for a time of Although the speech from the throne war? It might happen that we should had not condescended to notice the subbe engaged in a war for the defence of ject (which under all the circumstances every thing that was valuable to us. It of the case it would have been mcst fitting might happen that we should be assailed to do), and although he did not know by the vengeance of those whom we had whether or not any reference to it was conquered, by the ingratitude of those made in the treaties which that speech. whom we had assisted, by the just indig- promised should be laid before the House, nation of those whom we had conspired yet it was well known that the power to oppress. Were the House to listen to which had opposed so desirable a conthe tone of the royal Speech, and of the summation was France. France! a memspeeches of the honourable gentlemen, it ber of the holy alliance! France! under seemed they might be spared the trouble the restored rule of his most christian of contemplating any such possibility. majesty! Thus it appeared, that all the They were told they might safely rely on sacrifices which this country had made the inviolability of treaties-on our "inti- in favour of the Bourbon dynasty, had mate union" with foreign powers-words, been insufficient to obtain from the court in his opinion, too amatory to meet just of Louis Dixhuit a measure which was ideas of British policy. As to any sub- little more than one of decency-a meastantial security for the continuance of sure which Spain herself, under Ferdinand peace, those treaties did not appear to himself, had been-he was going to say him to be worth a single pinch of snuff brought-but had been bought to consent from the diamond boxes presented to the to. There was a power in Europe distinguished individuals who assisted in which, by its wisdom and its moderatheir completion. The one substantial tion, had succeeded to that ascensecurity for permanent peace was, a wise dancy and influence which once were and economical and conciliatory adminis. England's. Had the Russian government tration of public affairs-an undeviating undertaken the task of putting an end to system of justice and liberality to the people the slave trade, who could doubt that of other countries whether powerful or on that, as well as on every other public weak. As to any other objects of the consideration in which it had interfered, alliances in question, the British public it would have prevailed! Were the noble regarded them with the utmost indifference. lord by whom the negotiations at Aix-laThey never troubled themselves to inquire Chapelle were conducted in his place, he when the noble lord (whom he regretted should be inclined to say something of not to see in his place) went to the scene the conduct of the British negotiator on of their formation, or when he returned this most interesting subject-conduct what he did do, or what he did not do. which, in his opinion, rendered it very As to the principal result of the congress, doubtful, whether the zeal professed by it was well known that the withdrawing of this last lingering advocate in this country foreign troops from France had long before of the Black Slave Trade, did not arise, been decided-not by us, but for us. It not so much from his love of humanity, appeared indeed, that in order to avoid as from his disposition to obtain in that any awkward reclamation of promises House the support of men whose names made by sovereigns in the hour of need, would be ever honoured for their efforts and forgotten by them in the hour of in the destruction of the barbarous trade success, to enable the parties to steer in question. On no other ground could clear of the chaos which threatened to he conceive that the right of France to overwhelm them if they entered on the negotiate on the question of reciprocal consideration of various subjects dear to search would have been admitted. the interests of mankind-no course could was impossible that France could seriously be resorted to, but that of deprecating believe her acquiescence in that reciprocal every species of discussion. There was understanding, which had been recognised one subject to which the people of this by the greatest and the smallest powers in country had looked with anxious expec- Europe, ought to be made matter of ne(VOL. XXXIX.) (E) It be effected by their unaided efforts. With respect to the general selection of the members of the commission, all that it was necessary to say was, that it did so happen, as it had happened in many other instances of a similar nature-that the principles and opinions of those members were directly hostile to the spirit of the inquiry which they were appointed to institute. It did so happen, that in their number the name of the original mover of the proceeding did not appear. Surely this was as foolish as it was indecent. For if his hon. and learned friend were as over zealous and as enthusiastic as he was represented to be by the gentlemen opposite, there would undoubtedly have been sufficient coldness in some of the other members of the commission, to correct the effects of his ardour; while, by the omission of his name, ministers left it to be said-and it was said that they feared a man who had talents, and who was in earnest. gotiation. It was evident, that so long as France opposed herself to its entire abolition, by opposing the regulations which tended to prevent the admitted law on the subject from being evaded, that infernal trade (for so he must call it) would thrive, and thrive it did: and in his opinion it would be most fit to advert to this subject in the address to the throne. On every topic connected with the redress of the acknowledged grievances in the internal condition and regulations of the country, the Speech from the throne was wholly silent. It had not been thought fit to insert in it any notification that the act of the last Parliament had been put in force, which directed the appointment of commissioners to inquire into the abuses of public charities. He ought not to call them commissioners for inquiring into "the abuses" of public charities. They were any thing but that; and he knew that in speaking of any correction of any abuses, he spoke of that which the nation desired, but which the It seemed to be thought by the hoministers would, it seemed, not permit. nourable gentlemen who had moved and Of the particular act to which he had al- seconded the Address, that there was luded, he would then say nothing. His nothing so simple and natural as to adhon. and learned friend below him (Mr. mire every thing that was done by Brougham) would, in the course of the" the powers that be;" and that no fault session, furnish the House with abundant ought to be found with any of their promatter for discussion with respect to it. ceedings. For himself, it gave him little But he could not refrain from observing, satisfaction to find general discontent in that it would have been much better, with the country; and more especially when reference to the attainment of the object that discontent occasionally exhibited in view, if ministers had succeeded in a itself in an intemperate and malignant direct attempt to put down all inquiry, character. But it was impossible not to rather than in appointing the lame and reflect, that all this could not exist without impotent commission which had been adequate cause. If the good order, and constituted. But even had the powers of tranquillity, and happiness of a commuthe commission been as ample as they nity, were justly deemed the fair criterion were contracted-had the objects to which of a sound administration of public affairs, they were to direct their attention been the insubordination, the disturbance, and as extensive as they were limited, they the dissatisfaction of a community, ought would have wanted one great recommen- to be justly deemed the fair criterion of dation to public confidence. It would an unsound administration of public affairs. have been recollected, that the members-Whence came the extreme irritation of the commission were nominated, not by the House of Commons, but by the Secretary of State. It was true there were in the Commission the names of two individuals who would do credit to any body with which they were associated, and who from their zeal, integrity, and ability, were every way calculated to fulfil the important trust reposed in them; but whatever personal sacrifices those individuals might be disposed to make, it would be idle and absurd to expect that any fundamental or continuous reform could among the people, the existing tendency to tumult and violence? He should be glad to know how the hon. gentlemen opposite, if their description of the flourishing state of the country was correct, could account for some very extraordinary appearances at the late general election, How came it, that towards an administration under which, notwithstanding their egregious blunders, the military glory of this country had been carried to the highest point (for it would be a most paltry spirit of party that would under rate that glory), how came it, that towards an administration so circumstanced, so much apathy had been shown by most classes of society, and so much decided disinclination by the remainder? Why was this? Because the people found them deficient in those qualities, without the possession of which no administration could ever enjoy public confidence, decision, and union. All measures of domestic policy were by them either compromised or abandoned. From them the most important propositions experienced neither friendly support, nor manly resistance. When the opinion of Government was called for on questions of the greatest general interest, it was discovered that they had no opinion. Let the House try back, and they would find numerous proofs of the truth of this assertion. For instance, the question of Bank paper, on which subject, as on all subjects of political economy, his hon. friend near him (Mr. Grenfell), had thrown so much light, and by his remarks on which he had done himself so much credit. Was it to be perpetual or was it to cease was a question in the solution of which every man in the country had a deep interest. What thought government? Their financial oracles were so diametrically opposed to each other, both in their premises and in their conclusions, that it was impossible to guess. They exhibited the utmost fluctuation, the utmost equivocation, the most eager desire to catch at any pretence, however feeble, which might arrest the necessity of coming to any positive determination. Again, on the subject of the poor laws. Every one was sensible of the evils of the present wretched system-a system that tended to the destruction of all that remained of a sound and independent spirit, among the inferior classes of the community. The public had long waited for the plans of government for its amelioration. They might wait till doom's-day. Government would propose no plan-government would concur in no plan-they could not afford the risk of so much decision. Then there was the criminal code. All agreed that something must be done in the way of its revision. But need he remind the House, that when that great and good man, whose loss had occasioned so deep a feeling of sorrow throughout the country, whose life had been spent in the active, perhaps too active, pursuits of philanthropy when sir Samuel Romilly-a name never A to be utterred without reverence in any corner of the civilized globe-when he brought forward his limited measures for the amendment of that code, he experienced the most persevering and thwarting opposition. Most of the members of his majesty's government absented themselves on the discussion of his lamented friend's propositions. A few gave them a lukewarm support, to be counteracted the next day by another detachment with adverse sentiments. Another instance of the indecisive conduct of ministers was to be found in the Catholic question. large body of the nation entertained a confident hope that in the nineteenth century, that intolerant spirit by which those who professed a religion different from that of the established Church were excluded from an equal participation of civil rights might safely and finally be extinguished. There were others, on the contrary, who conscientiously, no doubt, still cherished alarm at such a proposition. All, however, conceived it to be a subject of such primary importance, as to demand the most serious attention. What did government do? They pledged themselves to be neutral; which, being interpreted, meant, they pledged themselves neither to discuss the Catholic claims in council among themselves, nor to give the Prince Regent, their master, any advice with respect to them, nor to assist parlia-' ment in its deliberations on the subject. What could be expected under such an administration, but mischief? When had they ever, by their measures, presented the Prince Regent to the people in a popular light? Was it in the unaccountable replies which had recently been made to certain petitions, in which replies it was most strangely intimated, that it was useless and nugatory to petition his Royal Highness on such objects, as his Royal Highness had delegated to one of his servants the discretion of exercising, according to his own opinion and feelings, the best prerogative the king possessedthat of mercy? The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer shook his head, but he challenged him to disprove the fact. When had the present ministers upheld the true dignity of the crown? surely when they endeavoured to obtain from parliament, for branches of the royal family, grants which parliament indig nantly threw back in their teeth, after a discussion calculated to lower those branches of the royal family in the publie Not esteem. Such ministers could not refrain, on the appearance of a partial disorder in the country, arising (as was admitted by the honourable mover of the Address) from temporary causes, to rush to the last and most dangerous expedients, complaining that the existing laws under our free constitution, were inadequate to the repression of disturbances which eventually, however, they proved sufficient, both to repress and to punish. It was well known that the power and authority of the laws partly consisted in the respect felt for those by whom they were administered. How could any respect attend those who, on all occasions, shewed that they had no respect for one another?-They might continue to cry "wolf;" they might resort to violence and rigour; they might suspend the constitutional rights of the subject; they might themselves violate the law by turning libellers; they might introduce a foreign police into the country; but they could not blind the public eye, or stifle the public voice, and the end of all would be, that they would recruit the ranks of their enemies, and insure their own destruction, after they had by their measures thrown odium on the Prince they served, and left the Crown almost without support. The honourable mover of the Address, therefore, must not be astonished if he found that a considerable portion of the House could not see in his recipe of union and harmony any thing but a general prostration at the shrine of ministers. God knew the course which the present parliament would pursue in their deliberations and decisions! That which was clearly marked out for them was, neither to truckle to power on the one hand, nor to yield to clamour on the other, but steadily to follow that path which in their conscience they believed to be prescribed by their public duty. He would not trouble the House with any amendment, and must apologise for having so long detained them. [Hear, hear!] Mr. Sinclair said:-The subjects recommended to our attention from the throne, have already been discussed by the hon. gentlemen who opened the debate, so amply, as to require, and so ably, as to admit of, no additional comment or illustration; I shall, therefore, content myself with briefly stating to the House my reasons for supporting the Address; in which I should have silently concurred, if my honourable relation had not clogged his assent, with so profuse a variety of | extraneous animadversions. I entirely approve of the Address, because I think it highly creditable to the candour and moderation of his majesty's ministers. It does not call upon us to pledge ourselves to the unlimited support, or unconditional approbation of any system, and it leaves the great questions, connected with our foreign and domestic policy, still open for future deliberation. If we consider its general scope and tenour, we shall find that it contains such sentiments, and is couched in such language, as no friend to his country can reasonably object to. We shall perceive that every topic has been studiously avoided, which could elicit any material difference of opinion, or excite any angry discussion. It has evidently been the wish, and the object, of those who framed it, to enable all parties, on the first day of our first session, to approach the throne, with an unanimous assurance of loyal and affectionate attachment. My honourable relation, however, has not thought proper to follow this laudable example of forbearance. There is scarcely a single measure, either in retrospect or in contemplation, upon which he has not attacked with severity the past conduct, or the presumed intentions, of his majesty's advisers. I am only surprised, that he has not embodied his sentiments into the form of an amendment; more especially if we call to mind the triumphant anticipations of a powerful accession to the numerical strength of his friends, which, ever since the results of the late elections were known, or even long before they began, have been loudly re-echoed in every part of the country. I expected that the honourable gentlemen opposite would have brought on, without a moment's delay, a trial of strength between the two great parties, which may be supposed to preponderate in the House, and would feel anxious, in some degree to ascertain, as soon as possible, the relative proportion of their respective adherents. They have, however, postponed, until some future day, the intended grand display of their forces. In the mean time, my honourable relation has descanted upon a multiplicity of topics, so important in their nature, and, at the same time, so unconnected with each other, that to attempt a circumstantial reply to his speech, would involve the House in a labyrinth of questions, which severally deserve and require a solemn and separate investigation. Far be it, however, from me to expose my own pre-haps with indignation, to the tone which sumption, by entering the lists of debate with one whom I so much respect. I am deeply conscious of my own deficiencies, and pay a willing homage to the advantages which my honourable relation possesses, from the splendour of his talents, the variety of his knowledge, and the extent of his political experience. I am also far from being decidedly hostile to all the opinions which he has enforced with so much eloquence; I am as little tied down to oppose, as to support them; and should think very meanly of my own fairness and judgment, if I did not always listen to his arguments with deference, as well as with attention. I am well aware that no individual is more obnoxious to both parties, than one who will not absolutely bind himself to either; and though a promise of unbiassed impartiality is often given and required at elections, it is seldom steadily adhered to-but I trust that there are some, of whom I do not hesitate to profess myself one, who think that they neither forfeit their independence, nor lessen their respectability, nor deviate from the path of constitutional consistency, by keeping aloof from a complete subjugation to party influence, and by presuming to judge for themselves. Deputed as each of us has been, to discharge the most important duties which can devolve upon a British subject, we must remember, that the eyes of all our constituents are rivetted with scrutinizing anxiety upon the proceedings of their new representatives. On this point all must agree; but if we proceed to define the wishes, which the people are supposed to entertain, our statements will be different indeed! Whilst, on the one hand, we shall be told, that the nation at large expects us to rally round the ministers, and whilst on the other we have been assured by my honourable relation, that the popular voice demands loudly their removal, there are others who will think that they are sent, neither to withhold entirely their confidence from government, nor implicitly to sanction their proceedings; sometimes to oppose their measures, but never to impeach their motives -to combine political candour with constitutional vigilance-rather predisposed to approve than predetermined to condemo: resolved to favour, but not to flatter; to controul, but not to embarrass. And here I cannot but advert, with feelings of deep regret, not unmingled per has lately been assumed, with respect to our future conduct, by the writers whose political sentiments are generally in unison with those of the hon. gentlemen opposite. By them it is expressly and indefatigably asserted, not only that to expel the present cabinet from office must be the sole and constant object of all who wish well to their country, but that every proposition which emanates from them, whether good or bad in itself, must be pertinaciously found fault with, and indiscriminately opposed. No terms are deemed strong enough to characterise the ignorance and imbecility of the exist ing administration; their supporters are accused of being swayed by every motive that is despicable or corrupt; and the well meaning, but not very clear-sighted politicians (as they are called), who occasionally presume, in the exercise of their own free judgments, to vote with the ministers of the crown, are represented as either useless, or dangerous, or insincere ; their alleged vacillation, is assailed with keen reproof, or their weakness becomes the theme of contemptuous commiseration. Independent members of the new parliament are strenuously exhorted, and even confidently expected, to bury in oblivion every difference of opinion, and unanimously to inlist under the standard of inveterate and unqualified opposition. Now, Sir, in what light can such language be considered, than as calling upon a British House of Commons to exhaust all their ingenuity, and exercise all their perseverance, in harassing most wantonly the advisers of their sovereign? Does it not invite us to make no allowance for any difficulties of their situation, and, instead of judging their very errors with candour and liberality, to overlook their past services, to disparage their best measures, and even perhaps to witness their successes with regret? Does it not enjoin us to adopt as a corollary to the sound constitutional maxim, that the king can do no wrong, the, I trust, far more questionable proposition, that his ministers can do nothing right? Does it not tend to cherish among the lower orders, the most malignant feelings of aversion and contempt towards those in authority over them?-feelings, which, in some quarters, are almost as predominant as they are mischievous; and which have chiefly been excited and nurtured by the coarse and scurrilous libels with which the press |