the white man over his offences against his red brother, is said to have been instantaneous, "the amicable parties of Indians ceased, confidence was lost, friendly intercourse abated," and retaliation became the only appeal. It soon lighted up a renewal of hostilities on the frontiers, for which it must never be forgotten in a just estimate of these wars, the Indians were predisposed by nearly two centuries' encroachments of white men on every thing dear to the very nature of the aborigines.

Previous to again entering on another portion of our sanguinary annals, it will be interesting to notice the extension of our pacific domain, and the improvement of our social comforts. Hitherto that part of Kentucky lying north of Licking river had remained unsettled, as it was deemed dangerous from its contiguity to the northern Indians. Indeed surveys had been suspended in this section of the district, by order of the principal surveyor; they were afterward resumed, and again suspended, by the appearance of Indian sign. Simon Kenton, however, after an absence of nine years, repossessed himself of the improvement formerly mentioned, made in 1775, by this most wayward and enterprising man, near the present town of Washington, at the head of Lawrence's creek.

Indian invasion was now threatened in a new direction; hitherto the hostile incursions had come from the north, but information was given Colonel Logan, that some of the Cherokee tribes meditated an invasion of the southern frontiers; while hostile intentions were demonstrated by the northern tribes. These alarming circumstances in the autumn of 1784, induced the Colonel to procure a meeting of the citizens at Danville, to adopt measures for the public security. Upon taking the situation of the district into consideration, this assembly discovered that no legal authority existed here to call out the militia for offensive purposes; there was no magazine of arms or ammunition beyond private supplies; nor any provisions or public funds to purchase them. The property of individuals was no longer in a time of peace, subject to be impressed as during the late state of war; moreover the government of the State, that had already complained of expense, might refuse to pay for the

expedition, "or even to compensate for real losses." Under these embarrassments, the military expedition was abandoned, and fortunately; for whatever might have been the correctness of the intelligence communicated to Colonel Logan, no invasion by southern Indians was made this year. The meeting, however, produced an effect much more important to the welfare of Kentucky than any temporary military party could have done; for in consequence of the discovery, which it had made of the want of suitable legal and political organization for the necessary purposes of so insulated a community, it was thought advisable to invite a convention of the representatives of the whole district, in the next ensuing month. This assembly might, it was hoped, make an imposing and effectual appeal to the legislature of the State, upon these subjects of deep concern to Kentucky. To effect this first of our formal conventions, (though the second in fact) the meeting addressed a written circular to each militia company, recommending it to elect one representative to meet at Danville, our temporary capital, on the 27th of December, 1784. The invitation was complied with, and the representatives assembled in conformity with it: they organized themselves into a convention by electing Samuel McDowell, President, and Thomas Todd, clerk; and then proceeded to business. In a session "conducted with much decorum," which is indeed a national characteristic of our public assemblies, it was thought that many of the grievences of the district might be remedied by suitable acts of the Virginia legislature; while others of the greatest magnitude, involving the military defence, originated in the great distance of the country from the seat of the State government. These latter mischiefs could only be removed by a separation of the district from the parent Commonwealth; and its erection into an equal and independent member of the American confederacy. This latter opinion finally prevailed by a decided majority, and it was reduced to a resolution, *"in favor of applying for an act to render Kentucky independent of Virginia." Still with the deference due to the feelings and interests of a free people,

* Marshall 1, 194.
N

which is the very essence of republican and popular government; and as the representatives to this convention were not expressly elected with a view to so fundamental a political change as was now contemplated, the convention forbore to make the application to Virginia. It, however, earnestly recommended the measure to the district, and likewise at the ensuing April elections for members of the State legislature, to elect representatives to meet in convention in the ensuing May. This second convention was expressly charged with an interesting question, and one hitherto untried even in the school of American politics, (rich as it is in experiments;) it was that of considering and determining the expediency of a separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and applying to its legislature for their consent to the measure. Our confederacy had not yet exhibited this process of moral swarming in mutual harmony and peace; which has since been so often repeated, as to have familiarized our minds, to the grandeur of the political operation; one unknown to the annals of the eastern continent. Strange to relate, at this time, abundantly as the press has since been diffused, wide as Volney remarks, as American settlements; none yet existed in Kentucky. The circular address of the convention of '84, to the people of the district was, therefore a written one: the members to be chosen are said* to have been twentyfive, which were divided among the three counties according to their supposed population. This autumn is remarkable for a great accession to the population of the district, and the superiority of its character; the effect was instantaneous in stretching out the frontiers, and enlarging a safe interior. The Indians, too, are said to have very sensibly relaxed, even in their predatory warfare. With January, 1785, the county of Nelson was created out of all that part of Jefferson county, south of Salt river. On the ensuing March, the death of Elliott, who had recently settled at the mouth of Kentucky river, the burning of his house and dispersion of his family, struck the country with no little alarm: it was interpreted by its indications of future consequences, rather than the immediate effects, desolating as

* Marshall 1, 195.

they were to a family, as innocent as their countrymen at large. April brought the double elections for members of the legislature of Virginia, and for a second convention at Danville. By the 23d of May, the members again assembled at their former place of meeting, and organized themselves. The decorum of the public proceedings of this assembly, as well as that of the conduct of the attending citizens, are particularly remarked by our first and venerable historian. The result of their deliberations will be found in the following recommendations.

1st. "Resolved, unanimously, as the opinion of this convention, that a petition be presented to the assembly, praying that this district may be established into a State separate from Virginia;" and, 2dly, That another convention be elected to meet at Danville in the second Monday of August, "to take further under their consideration the state of the district." By a third resolution, the convention recommended "that the election of deputies for the proposed convention, ought to be on the princi ples of equal representation;" by numbers, it is presumed, as the representation of Virginia was founded on the territorial principle, in disregard of population. This early and unanimous indication of the democratic or popular spirit, in one of the earliest public assemblies of Kentucky, is a faithful key to her political complexion. The fervor of our State character with difficulty suspects, that this spirit may be carried to extremes; similar to those which hurried, the republics of history to an early tomb, in the embraces of military usurpation. Not that the author controverts this particular application of the principle of equality; for he believes, that no excellence of organization, no nice adjustment of parts, with all the skill of political architecture, can protect any people against their own ignorance and vice. The most complex, as well as the simplest fabrics of political science, must receive their character from that of their tenants and occupants, and not from the inanimate materials of which they are composed. It is not, therefore, of much import on principle, that a few more, or a few less, should be admitted to the right of suffrage under a political constitution; since there must be an overruling mass of virtue and in

telligence to constitute the conservative power of society. While an exclusion of large classes, independent of universal disqualifications, such as minority, want of residence, &c., keeps up a constant excitement of discontent and ill-blood in the community, much more mischievous, than the admission of all to a political voice in the management of those affairs, which they may be called upon to defend with their blood and their lives.

It appears at this time rather singular, that this convention, in a spirit of dependence and passiveness, apparently uncalled for by their delegated authority, should decline acting efficiently and promptly under the powers which were so expressly conferred upon them by their choice, under the express call of the previous assembly in December, '84; but should again weary the patience, and disappoint the reasonable expectations of the community, by referring the question of separation to another convention. The members of this third convention were apportioned among the counties by comparison of muster rolls, and the recollection of members, (for as yet no census had been taken) in the following ratio: the county of Jefferson to have six; that of Nelson, six; that of Lincoln, ten; and of Fayette, eight representatives. They adopted a petition to Virginia, and likewise an address to the people of the district, which will be found in the appendix. The latter presents an interesting picture of the domestic state of Kentucky. The recommendation of another convention was again regarded upon the part of the people, and on the 8th of August, 1786, the assembly met at Danville; they again chose Samuel McDowell their President. This body after having deliberated some time, came to the following resolution unanimously, which was reported by George Muter, as chairman; "that it is the indispensable duty of the convention to make application to the General Assembly at the ensuing session, for an act to separate this district from the present government forever, on terms honorable to both, and injurious to neither." This resolution, and its eloquent preamble, were followed by an address to the legislature of Virginia, and the people of the district, in a style of