latter restored to their rights: the bishops likewise about eighteen months after the restoration, took their ancient seats in the House of Lords. The tranquillity amid which these great revolutions were accomplished, becomes very remarkable when we reflect on the length of time-about fifteen years during which the Church had lain prostrate, and was replaced by another worship and ecclesiastical government.

Shortly after the King's restoration, the leading Presbyterians, in an interview with his Majesty, besought his aid in adjusting, by a comprehensive union, the religious differences in the Protestant church; and, in compliance with his directions, they drew up a set of proposals, based on Archbishop Usher's scheme of episcopal government. The bishops, in reply to these, consented to a revision of the liturgy, but refused to admit of any alteration in the ceremonies of the Church; and the King notified to them that his intentions would be quickly made known by a declaration. To this declaration, when published, several exceptions were made; and in consequence a day was appointed when they were to be argued in the presence of the King at the house of the Lord Chancellor Hyde, by several of the bishops and dignitaries of the Church, and a select number among the most eminent Presbyterian divines, among whom were Reynolds, Calamy, and Baxter. When the conference had terminated, the Lord Chancellor read a clause, which was to be added to the declaration, permitting the Independents and Anabaptists to meet for religious worship, provided they gave no displeasure to the public peace.

The result of the conference was, that a few unimportant amendments were made to the declaration. The King expressed in it high esteem and regard for the Church, and promised that as its administration was confided to men of

great and exemplary piety in their lives, the abuses complained of would be removed. A few ceremonies were dispensed with, and, after bestowing great commendations on the clergy, it promised that as exceptions had been made to it, an equal number of learned divines of both persuasions should be appointed to review it. A bill was brought into Parliament to give this declaration legal force, but it was rejected by a majority of twenty-six out of three hundred and forty, in consequence of the vigorous opposition it met with from the courtiers, who knew that Charles was secretly favourable to the Dissenters. According to the promise made in the declaration, a commission was shortly afterwards issued to twenty-one Anglican and as many Presbyterian divines, to adjust such differences as existed. between them relating to the liturgy.

The residence of the Bishop of London at the Savoy was appointed for the conference, which, after an acrimonious discussion of several months, broke up, without coming to any agreement;—an instance, that religious, like political, controversies seldom lead to any other results than increasing the difference of opinion between parties, and diminishing still further their kindly feelings towards each other.

Soon after the Savoy conference, a synod, summoned by the Archbishop of York, was empowered by the King to make such additions or alterations in the Common Prayer Book as they thought proper; and the members were authorised by the two Houses of Convocation to make proxies to transact in their names with the province of Canterbury, the clergy of which were bound to abide by their vote under the forfeiture of their goods and chattels. The alterations and additions made by this convocation were the last which the Book of Common Prayer received. By the influence of the Earl of Clarendon, the Act for Uniformity was soon

afterwards passed, by which it was enacted, that all ecclesiastics, who did not take an oath of canonical obedience in all things honest and lawful-abjure the solemn league and covenant, and conform to the liturgy, were to be deprived of their benefices. According to Burnet about two thousand of the clergy came under the parliamentary deprivation. But the authors of this bill were not satisfied with the effect it produced: various charges of conspiracies and insurrections were brought forward against the Presbyterians, which rendered them more and more obnoxious to the government; it was accordingly further enacted, that all persons in holy orders should swear that it was not lawful to take arms against the King, and that they would not at any time endeavour any alteration of government, either in church or state. On refusing to take this oath, they were prohibited from coming within five miles of any city and towncorporate or borough that send members to parliament: and they were likewise prohibited from preaching in any unlawful assembly, conventicle, or meeting, or from teaching in any school, or frequenting divine service. The impolicy and heedless severity of this measure has been admitted by all parties. Few subscribed the oath, "while the main body of non-conforming ministers," says Carwithen, "chose rather to forsake their habitations, their relatives, and friends, than to submit to it." This persecuting spirit, which did not abate during almost the entire reign of Charles, lessened the popularity of the church, and it was still further lowered by the stand which the clergy made against the exclusion bill, and in favour of the King's prerogative, and the hereditary succession of the crown.

James II. commenced his reign by declaring his attachment to the established religion; but the insincerity of his professions became almost immediately apparent, by his

going publicly to mass the second Sunday after he came to the throne. However, as the government of Charles, during the latter years of that prince's reign, had been much under the influence of James, people were not shocked by any sudden endeavour to subvert the established church. The first parliament which he assembled was most subservient to his wishes: amongst other of their acts, they unanimously passed a vote settling on him, during life, all his brother's revenues; and this was followed by an address praying him to put in force all the penal laws against Presbyterians. This measure, it has been since surmised, James himself instigated, in order to force the dissenters to acquiesce in a toleration which should embrace the Roman Catholics. The suppression of Monmouth's rebellion incited him to a more undisguised prosecution of his designs, whilst the extreme severity with which those concerned in the insurrection were punished, decreased his popularity.

The church and the several public departments were too powerful engines not to be made use of for the advancement of James's purposes. As vacancies occurred, they were filled by men whom he could make pliable to his will. But never was the great body of the clergy more firm in their attachment to the establishment, or more strenuous in their endeavours to avert its overthrow. Stillingfleet, Tillotson, Sherlock, Atterbury, Hooper, and Wake, were amongst the most illustrious of her defenders. "They examined," says Burnet, "all the points of popery, with a solidity of judgment, a clearness of arguing, a depth of learning, and a vivacity of writing far beyond any thing that had, before that time, appeared in our language."

James, exasperated at this conduct, sent circulars to all the bishops, enjoining them to prohibit their clergy from preaching against the doctrines of the Roman Catholic

religion. But this could not prevent the publication of numerous tracts and sermons, in which the writers successfully opposed the endeavours of the Catholic priests, seconded by the influence of the court, to make converts, so that but few were made, and those few rather from motives of interest than conviction.

Unable to obtain the consent of parliament to a repeal of the Test Act, James became regardless of its authority, and issued an order in council, by which all penal laws concerning religion were suspended. After this, he established the celebrated Ecclesiastical Commission, after the model of the High Commission Court of Elizabeth, which had been abolished by an act of the Long Parliament, and which also provided that no court of similar power, jurisdiction, and authority, should be again established. The notorious Jeffries was appointed president of this commission, and the first person summoned to appear before it was Compton, bishop of London. He had refused to obey a royal order to suspend the famous Dr. Sharp for preaching against popery, alleging that he had not the power to proceed so summarily against a clergyman, but that, if an accusation were brought into his court in a regular way, he would pass such censure on him as would be justified by ecclesiastical law. The bishop was suspended ab officio, although the Princess of Orange interceded in his favour; and she and the prince likewise wrote to him, expressing the great share they took in his troubles. The court was dissatisfied at its victory; they saw that their treatment of the bishop had created for him great sympathy amongst the people, and that he exercised greater influence, in the government of his clergy, by conveying to them secret intimations of his pleasure, than he possessed previous to his suspension.

The next great step which James took, was in direct