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success, was in a most unsettled state. The third campaign had commenced, and had already been marked by several instances of distinguished success. Odysseus and Niketas had effectually harassed and dispersed the two armies of Yusuff Pasha, and Mustapha Pasha, who had entered Eastern Greece, by the passes of Thermopylæ. Corinth, still held by the Turks, was reduced to the greatest extremities-and, indeed, surrendered in the course of the autumn. The Morea might also be said to be thoroughly emancipated. Patras, Modon, and Coron, and the castle of the Morea, did then and still hold out against the combined assaults of famine and the troops of the besiegers. But the ancient Peloponnesus had, at this moment, more to fear from the dissentions of its chiefs, that the efforts of the enemy -they had absolutely assumed something like the character of a civil war. The generals had been ordered on different services, when it appeared, that the funds destined for the maintenance of their armies were already consumed in satisfying old demands for arrears. Much confusion arose, and a bloody conflict actually took place in the streets of Tripolitza, between a troop of Spartiates and another of Arcadians, the followers of rival leaders. The military chiefs, at the head of whom was the able but avaricious Colocotronis, at that time vice-president of the executive government, were jealous of the party which may be termed the civil faction. Över this party presided Mavrocordatos, who, as a Constantinopolitan, was considered as a foreigner, and who, on account of his being a dexterous diplomatist, a good letterwriter, and a lover of intrigue, was regarded with feelings of jealousy and hatred by the rude and iron-handed generals of the Morea. Mavrocordatos was secretary to foreign affairs, and was accused of holding correspondence with foreign courts without the knowledge of the government, and of aiming at getting himself elected the president of the legislative body. It turned out that the actual president fled from the seat of government, and that Mavrocordatos was elected into the office. He too was soon obliged to retreat, and had just resigned the office and retired to the island of Hydra, where the civil and commercial party was strong, and where he was held in considerable estimation, when lord Byron arrived at Cephalonia.

'Western Greece too was in a very critical situation-Mustapha, Pasha of Scutari, was advancing on Acarnania in large force, and was on the point of being resisted by the chivalrous devotion of the brave Marco Botzaris. This chief, worthy of the best days of Greece, succeeded on the 9th of August (Ó. S.) by his famous night attack, in cutting off a considerable part of the Turkish army, and fell a sacrifice to his generous efforts. In spite of this check, however, the Pasha advanced and proceeded towards Anatolicon and Messolonghi; the latter place was invested by Mustapha, and the Albanian chief, Omer-Vriones, by the early part of October. The Turkish fleet had arrived in the waters of Patras about the middle of June, and continued to blockade (at least nominally) Messolonghi, and all the other ports of Western Greece up to

the arrival of lord Byron. Previous to Marco Botzaris's arrival at Carpenissi, the little village where he discomfited the Turks, he had heard of lord Byron's arrival in Greece, and it is not a little remarkable that the last act he did before proceeding to the attack, was to write a warm invitation to his lordship to come to Messolonghi, offering to leave the army, and to give him a public reception in a manner suitable to the occasion and serviceable to the cause.

was

'Almost the first act of lord Byron in Greece,

the arming and provisioning of forty Suliotes, whom he sent to join in the defence of Messolonghi. After the battle he transmitted bandages and medicines, of which he had brought a large store from Italy, and pecuniary succour to those who had been wounded in the battle. He had already made an offer to the government, to which he himself alludes, as well as to the dissentions in Greece, in a letter of which this is an extract. 'I offered to advance a thousand dollars a month for the succour of Messolonghi, and the Suliotes under Botzaris (since killed), but the government have answered me through

of this Island, that they wish to confer with me previously, which is in fact, saying they wish me to expend my money in some other direction. I will take care that it is for the public cause, otherwise I will not advance a para-the opposition say they want to cajole me, and the party in power say the others wish to seduce me, so between the two I have a difficult part to play; however, I will have nothing to do with the factions unless to reconcile them if possible- Though solicited in the most flattering manner by count Metaxa, the Exarch of Messolonghi, and others, to repair to that place, lord Byron had too reasonable a fear of falling into the hands of a party to take a decided step in his present state of information. He determined to communicate alone with the established government; for this purpose he despatched two of his friends, Mr. Trelawny and Mr. Hamilton Browne, in order to deliver a letter from him to the government, and to collect intelligence respecting the real state of things. The extreme want of money which was at that time felt in Greece, and the knowledge that lord Byron had brought large funds with the intention of devoting them to the cause, made all parties extremely eager for his presence. He, however, yielded to none of the pressing entreaties that were made to him, but after waiting undecided six weeks in his vessel, he took up his residence on shore, at the village of Metaxata within five or six miles of Argostoli.

Here he resumed his usual occupations, while he kept a watchful eye on all the transactions of Greece, and carried on a very active intercourse with every part of it. Those who know lord Byron's character, know that he rarely resisted the impulse of his feeling, and that these impulses were often of the most benevolent kind. As usual, the neighbourhood of his residence never ceased to experience some kind and munificent exertion of his unfailing, but by no means indiscriminate or ill-applied, generosity. His physician says, that the day seemed sad and

gloomy to him, when he had not employed himself in some generous exertion. He provided even in Greece for many Italian families in distress, and indulged the people of the country even in paying for the religious ceremonies which they deemed essential to their success. Our informant mentions one circumstance in particular, which affords some idea of the way in which he loved to be of service. While at Metaxata the fall of a large mass of earth had buried some persons alive. He heard of the accident while at dinner, and starting up from the table, ran to the spot, accompanied by the physician, who took with him a supply of medicines. The laborers who were engaged in digging out their companions, soon became alarmed for themselves, and refused to go on, saying, they believed they had dug out all the bodies which had been covered by the ruins. Lord Byron endeavoured to induce them to continue their exertions, but finding menaces in vain, he seized a spade and began to dig most zealously: at length the peasantry joined him, and they succeeded in saving two more persons from certain death.

The friends whom lord Byron had despatched to the government proceeded to the Morea, and crossed the country to Tripolitza, from which place it appeared, that the two assemblies had removed to Salamis. At Tripolitza, however, they had an opportunity of seeing Colocotronis, some of the other distinguished chiefs, as well as the confidential officers of Mavrocordatos' suite, whom he had left behind him in his precipitate retreat from the chair of the legislative assembly, and, consequently, they were able to collect a considerable quantity of information, and procure answers to the questions with which lord Byron had charged them. After doing this, they proceeded to the place where the assembly was collecting. His queries were of a very searching and judicious nature, and the answers obtained were complete enough to afford a very accurate idea of the state, resources, and intentions of the country.

The congress met at Salamis to deliberate on the most important questions, the form of the government, and the measures of the future campaign. The legislative assembly consisted of fifty, and the executive of five. They received the agents of lord Byron in the most friendly manner, and opened every thing to them without reserve; and enabled them to convey to him a very instructive account of the real state of affairs. Ulysses Odysseus, a brave and dexterous mountain chief, of great power and consummate military skill at that time, and still in command of Athens, was about to lead 5000 Albanians into Negropont, whither Mr. Trelawny agreed to accompany him as his aide-de-camp, being promised any number of men he chose under his command. Colocotronis and his son, a fine, spirited young man, with all their forces were to undertake the siege of Patras. Tombasi, the admiral of Hydra, was in command at Candia, where active warfare was expected. Staicos was to remain at Corinth, which surrendered in October, very soon after the congress. Marco Botzari's brother, with his Suliotes, and Mavrocordatos, were to take charge of Messolonghi,

which at that time, October 1823, was in a very critical state, being blockaded both by land and sea.' Mavrocordatos at this time was endeavouring to collect a fleet for the relief of Messolonghi.

Lord Byron's intentions at the same period appear from the following extracts:- It is my intention to proceed by sea to Nauplia di Romania, as soon as I have managed this business. I mean the advance of the 400,000 piastres for the fleet. My time here has not been entirely lost; indeed, you will perceive by some former documents, that any advantage from my then proceeding to the Morea was doubtful. We have at last named the deputies, and I have written a strong remonstrance on their divisions to Mavrocordatos,, which I understand was forwarded to the legislative body by the prince.' He did not, however, depart for the seat of government at the time he had expected, and conceived it necessary to address the authorities again on the subject of their dissentions. The following is a translation of the concluding part of this very admirable letter:

'Allow me to add once for all, I desire the well-being of Greece and nothing else; I will do all I can to secure it; but I cannot consent, I never will consent, to the English public, or English individuals, being deceived as to the real state of Greek affairs. The rest, gentlemen, depends on you; you have fought gloriously; act honorably towards your fellow-citizens and towards the world, and then it will no more be said, as has been repeated for 2000 years with the Roman historian, that Philopomen was the last of the Grecians. Let not calumny itself (and it is difficult to guard against it in so difficult a struggle) compare the Turkish pasha with the patriot Greek in peace, after you have exterminated him in war.

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In another letter, written a few days after this, we find a circumstance mentioned which turned his views from the Morea to Western Greece. It must be remembered that the Suliotes were his old favorites, and that their late bravery had raised them still higher in his estimation. The Suliotes, now in Acarnania, are very anxious that I should take them under my direction, and go over and put things to rights in the Morea, which, without a force seems impracticable, and really though very reluctant, as my letters will have shown you, to take such a measure, there seems hardly any milder remedy. However, I will not do any thing rashly, and have only continued here so long in the hope of seeing things reconciled, and have done all in my power therefor. Had I gone sooner they would have forced me into one party or the other, and I doubt as much now. But we will do our best. December 7th, 1823.' 'I am convinced if they (the Greeks) succeed in getting the loan, the liberty of Greece will be definitively founded on a firm basis. True, there is much difference of opinion existing amongst the people in authority here, as well as in every other country, and some little squabbling for place and power, but they all unite against the common enemy. Love of liberty and execra

tion of their barbarous oppressors actuate them. What they want, to ensure success and consolidate the goverment, is money-money-money.' Lord Byron continues to allude to these unfortunate differences, and is pleasant upon the gasconading which distinguishes the Greek of this day as it did the Greek of the age of Cleon. 'C will tell you the recent special interposition of the gods in behalf of the Greeks, who seem to have no enemies in heaven or earth to be dreaded but their own tendency to discord among themselves. But these too, it is to be hoped, will be mitigated, and then we can take the field on the offensive; instead of being reduced to the 'petite guerre' of defending the same fortresses year after year, and taking a few ships, and starving out a castle, and making more fuss about them than Alexander in his cups or Buonaparte in a bulletin. Our friends have done something in the way of the Spartans, but they have not inherited their style. December 10th, 1823.' Soon after the date of this letter the long desired squadron arrived in the waters of Messolonghi, and in a letter written three days after the date of the last, December 13th, his lordship says that he momentarily expects advices from prince Mavrocordatos, who is on board, and has, I understand, despatches from the legislative to me; in consequence of which, after paying the squadron, I shall probably join him at sea or on shore.'

He speaks afterwards of the supplies, with some pleasantry, and concludes a letter to his banker, in Cephalonia, thus: "I hope things here will go well, some time or other; I will stick by the cause as long as a cause exists, first or second.' His lordship had by this time yielded to the solicitations of Mavrocordatos, who repeatedly urged him in the most pressing manner to cross over to Messolonghi, and who offered to send, and did send, ship after ship to Cephalonia, to bring him over. He seems to have been chiefly delayed by the difficulty in procuring money for his Italian bills. When the supplies were procured, and his other preparations made for departure, two Ionian vessels were hired, and embarking his horses and effects, his lordship sailed from Argostoli on the 29th of December. Anchoring at Zante the same evening, the whole of the following day was occupied in making his pecuniary arrangements with Mr. ; and, after receiving a quantity of specie on board, he proceeded towards Messolonghi. But count Gamba had been charged with the vessel in which the horses and part of the money were embarked ; and when off Chiarenza, a point which lies between Zante and the place of their destination, they were surprised at day-light on finding themselves under the bows of a Turkish frigate. Owing, however, to the activity displayed on board lord Byron's vessel, and her superior sailing, she escaped, while the second was fired at, brought to, and carried into Patras; but Yusuff Pasha released the vessel.

The wind becoming contrary, Lord Byron's vessel took shelter at Dagromestre, where Prince Mavrocordatos despatched a gun-boat to accompany him, while a portion of the Greek squadron stationed at Messolonghi, were ordered to cruise in the offing. The vessel afterwards grounded

on a shoal near the Scrofes, and was with diffculty got off.

Lord Byron was received at Messolonghi with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of joy. The ships anchored off the fortress fired a salute as he passed. Prince Mavrocordatos and all the authorities, with all the troops and the population collected together, met him on his landing and accompanied him to the house which had been prepared for him, amidst the shouts of the multitude and the discharge of cannon. Nothing could exceed the eagerness with which he had been expected, except the satisfaction which was displayed on his arrival.

One of the first objects to which Lord Byron naturally turned his attention was, to mitigate the ferocity with which the war had been carried on. He had not been long at Messolonghi, before an opportunity presented itself for showing his sense of Yusuff Pasha's moderation in releasing Count Gamba. Hearing that there were four Turkish prisoners in the town, he requested that Prince Mavrocodatos would place them in his hands; this being immediately granted, they were sent to the castle of the Morea, near Patras, with the following letter addressed to the Turkish chief.

Highness,-A vessel in which a friend and some domestics of mine were embarked, was detained a few days ago and released by order of your highness. I have now to thank you, not for liberating the vessel, which as carrying a neutral flag, and being under British protection, no one had a right to detain, but for having treated my friends with so much kindness while they were in your hands.

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In the hope, therefore, that it may not be altogether displeasing to your highness, I have requested the governor of this place to release four Turkish prisoners, and he has humanely consented to do so. I lose no time, therefore, in sending them back, in order to make as early a return as I could for your courtesy on a late occasion. These prisoners are liberated without any conditions; but, should the circumstance find a place in your recollection, I venture to beg, that your highness will treat such Greeks as may henceforth fall into your hands with humanity, more especially since the horrors of war are sufficiently great in themselves, without being aggravated by wanton cruelties on either side. 'NOEL BYRON.

"Messolonghi, 23rd Janury, 1824.'

Another grand object with Lord Byron, and one which he never ceased to forward with the most anxious solicitude, was to reconcile the quarrels of the native chiefs, to make them friendly and confiding to one another, and submissive to the orders of the government. He had neither time nor much opportunity before his decease to carry this point to any great extent.

Mavrocordatos had dwelt on the importance of his lordship's presence at Messolonghi. Accordingly Lord Byron landed at Messolonghi, animated with military ardor. Five hundred Suliotes, the bravest and most resolute of the soldiers of Greece, were taken into his pay on the 1st of January, 1824; an object worthy of them and their leader was not difficult to be

found, in the castle of Lepanto, which commands the gulf of that name, the only fortress occupied by the Turks in Western Greece. Its position at the mouth of the gulf, is one of great importance, and enables it to keep up a constant communication with Patras, and while this was the case, it was impossible to reduce it in the ordinary mode of starvation. The garrison consisted of 500 Turks, and a considerable number of Albanians; the soldiers were clamorous for their pay, and much confusion was said to reign in the place. It was understood that the Albanians would surrender on the approach of Lord Byron, and on being paid their arrears, which amounted to 23,000 dollars. Lord Byron was raised to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and spent his whole time in preparing for the expedition. At the latter end of January. Lord Byron was appointed by the Greek government to the sole command of all the 3000 troops destined to act against Lepanto. But the Suliotes, who conceived that they had found a patron whose wealth was inexhaustible, determined to make the most of the occasion, and proceeded to make the most extravagant demands on their leader for arrears, and under other pretences. Untameable in the field, they were equally unmanageable in a town, and were at this moment peculiarly disposed to be obstinate, riotous, and mercenary. They had been chiefly instrumental in preserving Messolonghi, when besieged the previous autumn by the Turks, had been driven from their abodes, and the whole of their families were at this time in the town destitute of either home or sufficient supplies. Of turbulent and reckless character, they kept the place in awe, and Mavrocordatos having, unlike the other captains, no soldiers of his own, was glad to find a body of valiant mercenaries. Within a fortnight after Lord Byron's arrival, a burgher refusing to quarter some Suliotes who rudely demanded entrance in his house, was killed, and a riot ensued in which some lives were lost. Lord Byron's impatient spirit could ill brook the delay of a favorite scheme, and he saw, with the utmost chagrin, that the state of his favorite troops was such as to render any attempt to lead them out at present impracticable.

The project of proceeding against Lepanto being thus suspended, at a moment when lord Byron's enthusiasm was at its height, it produced a degree of irritability which, if it was not the sole cause, contributed greatly to a severe fit of epilepsy, with which he was attacked on the 15th of February. His lordship was sitting in the apartment of colonel Stanhope, the active and enlightened representative of the Greek committee in Greece, who had gone out to co-operate with lord Byron, and was talking in a jocular manner with Mr. Parry the engineer, when it was observed, from occasional and rapid changes in his countenance, that he was suffering under some strong emotion. sudden he complained of a weakness in one of his legs, and rose, but finding himself unable to walk, he cried out for assistance. He then fell into a state of nervous and convulsive agitation, and was placed on a bed. For some minutes his countenance was much distorted. He however,

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quickly recovered his senses, his speech returned and he soon appeared perfectly well, although enfeebled and exhausted by the violence of the struggle. During the fit he behaved with his usual remarkable firmness, and his efforts in contending with, and attempting to master the disease, are described as gigantic. In the course of the month the attack was repeated four times; the violence of the disorder at length yielded to the remedies which his physicians advised, such as bleeding, cold bathing, perfect relaxation of mind, &c., and he gradually recovered. An accident happened during this illness, which was ill calculated to aid the efforts of his medical advisers. A Suliote walked into the Seraglio, which had formerly been used as a sort of fortress and barrack for the Suliotes. The sentinel on guard ordered him to retire; and the serjeant of the guard pushed him back. The Suliote struck again: the sergeant and he closed and struggled, when the Suliote drew a pistol from his belt, and shot captain Sass, a Swede, who came up, and ordered him to the guard room. This was a serious affair, and great apprehensions were entertained that it would not end here. The Suliotes refused to surrender the man to justice, alleging that he had been struck, which, in Suliote law, justifies all the consequences which may follow.

Notwithstanding lord Byron's improvement in health, his friends felt from the first that he ought to try a change of air. A gentleman of Zante wrote to him early in March, to induce him to return to that island for a time; in reply to his letter, he said, I cannot quit Greece while there is a chance of my being of (even supposed) utility,-there is a stake worth millions such as I am,-and while I can stand at all, I must stand by the cause.

After so severe a fit of illness, it may well be supposed that he was in no humor to pursue his scheme against Lepanto-supposing that his state of health had been such as to bear the fatigue of a campaign in Greece. The Suliotes, however, showed some signs of repentance, and offered to place themselves at his lordship's disposal. They had however another objection to the nature of the service. In a letter which colonel Stanhope wrote to lord Byron on the 6th of March, from Athens, he tells his lordship that he had bivouacked on the 21st of February in the hut of the prefect of the Lepanto district, who had just had a conference with the garrison of that place. This man said that if lord Byron would march there with a considerable force and the arrears due to the troops, that the fortress would be surrendered; and colonel Stanhope adds a pressing entreaty that lord Byron would proceed there immediately, and take advantage of this disposition on the part of the garrison. To this his lordship has appended this note:

the Suliotes have declined marching against Lepanto, saying that they would not fight against stone walls. Colonel Stanhope also knows their conduct here, in other respects lately.' We may conclude that the expedition to Lepanto was not thought of after this time.

This letter, which communicated the facility with which Lepanto might be taken, also announced to lord Byron the intention of Ulysses

Odysseus, to summon a congress of chiefs at Salona, to consider of a mode of uniting more closely the interests of Eastern and Western Greece, and arranging between them some method of strict co-operation. The whole of these two districts are all subordinate to their respective governments, and, as the Turkish army was expected to come down, it was supposed by Odysseus that some plan of acting in concert might be hit upon, which would not only enable them to resist the enemy with greater effect, but likewise rapidly advance the progress of civilisation and the authority of the government and constitution; Odysseus, who had the most influence in Eastern Greece, and was able to collect all the chiefs of his own district, was most desirous of prevailing upon Mavrocordatos and lord Byron, who were all-powerful in the opposite territory, to be present at this congress, which he proposed to hold at Salona, a town nearly on the confines of the two departments. Two agents were sent to persuade them to join in the design and repair to Salona. Odysseus himself, first despatched Mr. Finlay, and after him captain Humphries went over to Messolonghi with all haste, by desire of colonel Stanhope. The latter succeeded: lord Byron, as may be supposed, was well disposed to the measure, but his consent was for some time held back by the prince, who had reasons for not approving the congress. Mavrocordatos was always averse to meeting Odysseus, a man of a very different character from himself, nor did he relish the idea of lord Byron's quitting the seat of his government. It was however apparently settled that both should attend at Salona.

But they did not set out in a few days as it seems to have been intended. In the government, which since lord Byron's arrival at Messolonghi had been changed, the civil and island interest now greatly preponderated, and consequently by it a congress of military chiefs was looked upon with some jealousy, and most unjustly stiled an unconstitutional measure. Mavrocordatos's views were now those of the government, so that, in addition to his private motives, he had also a public interest in withholding lord Byron from Salona. Various pretexts were urged for delay-among others, whether a true or a pretended one is not exactly ascertained, a design of delivering up Messolonghi to the Turks was alleged against the Suliotes. But at last came lord Byron's fatal illness, and all schemes of congresses and campaigns were for a time forgotten in the apprehensions entertained for his life, and in the subsequent lamentations over his death: the meeting took place at Salona, on the 16th of April; Mavrocordatos was not there, and lord Byron was on his death-bed.

My master' says Mr. Fletcher, 'continued his usual custom of riding daily when the weather would permit, until the 9th of April. But on that ill-fated day, he got very wet, and on his return home, his lordship changed the whole of his dress, but he had been too long in his wet clothes, and the cold, of which he had complained more or less ever since we left Cephalonia, made this attack be more severely

felt. Though rather feverish during the night his lordship slept pretty well, but complained in the morning of a pain in his bones and a headache: this did not, however, prevent him from taking a ride in the afternoon, which I grieve to say was his last. On his return, my master said that the saddle was not perfectly dry, from being so wet the day before, and observed that he thought it made him worse. His lordship was again visited by the same slow fever, and I was sorry to perceive on the next morning, that his illness appeared to be increasing. He was very low, and complained of not having had any sleep during the night. His lordship's appetite was also quite gone. I prepared a little arrowroot, of which he took three or four spoonfuls, saying it was very good, but could take no more. It was not till the third day, the 12th, that I began to be alarmed for my master. In all his former colds, he always slept well, and was never affected by this slow fever. I therefore went to Dr. Bruno and Mr. Millingen, the two medical attendants, and enquired minutely into every circumstance connected with my master's present illness: both replied that there was no danger, and I might make myself perfectly easy on the subject, for all would be well in a few days. This was on the 13th; on the following day I found my master in such a state, that I could not feel happy without supplicating that he would send to Zante for Dr. Thomas: after expressing my fears lest his lordship should get worse, he desired me to consult the doctors, which I did, and was told there was no occasion for calling in any person, as they hoped all would be wel in a few days. Here I should remark, that his lordship repeatedly said in the course of the day, he was sure the doctors did not understand his disease; to which I answered, then, my lord, have other advice by all means. said his lordship, that it is only a common cold, which you know I have had a thousand times.' I am sure, my lord, said I, that you never had one of so serious a nature. 'I think I never had,' was his lordship's answer. I repeated my supplications that Dr. Thomas should be sent for on the 15th, and was again assured that my master would be better in two or three days. After these confident assurances, I did not renew my entreaties until it was too late. With respect to the medicines that were given to my master, I could not persuade myself that those of a strong purgative nature were the best adapted for his complaint, concluding that, as he had nothing on his stomach, the only effect would be to create pain indeed this must have been the case with a person in perfect health. The whole nourishment taken by my master for the last eight days, consisted of a small quantity of broth at two or three different times, and two spoonfuls of arrow-root on the 18th, the day before his death. The first time I heard of there being any intention of bleeding his lordship, was on the 15th, when it was proposed by Dr. Bruno, but objected to at first by my master, who asked Mr. Millingen if there was any very great reason for taking blood: the latter replied that it might be of service, but added that it could be deferred till the next day. And accordingly my master

They tell me,'

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