binetes de sus caros é intimos aliados, á establecer una conferencia en Paris, donde reunidos sus plenipotenciarios con los de Su Magestad Catolica, auxilien á la Espana al arreglo de los negocios de America en los paises disidentes. En el exâmen de esta importante question, Su Magestad tendrá en consideracion, de acuerdo con sus poderosos aliados, las alteraciones que los acontecimientos han ocasionado en sus provincias Americanas; y las relaciones que durante las turbulencias se han formado con las naciones comerciantes; á fin de combinar por este medio de buena fé, las medidas mas adecuadas para conciliar los derechos y justos intereses de la Corona de Espana, y su soberanía, con los que las circunstancias puedan haber ocasionado con respecto á las otras Naciones. Su Magestad confiando en los sentimientos de sus Aliados, espera que le ayudarán al digno objeto de sostener los principios del orden y de la legitimidad, cuya subversion atacada en America, pronto se comunicaría á la Europa, y le auxiliarán al mismo tiempo a restablecer la paz entre ella y sus Colonias. En consecuencia, Su Magestad quiere que penetrado V. de estas razones, y empleando los recursos de su conocido talento, trate de conseguir que ese Gobierno se decida â la deseada cooperacion que los acontecimientos de la Peninsula han preparado; autorizando á V. para dejar copia de este oficio á ese Ministro de Negocios Estrangeros. Dios guarde á V. muchos anos. (Firmado) El Conde De OFALIA. Al Sr. Embajador de S. M. C. en Paris, y a Sus Ministros Plenrs. en San Petersburgo y Viena. Translation of Second Inclosure in No. II. THE King, our Sovereign, being restored to the throne of his ancestors, in the enjoyment of his hereditary rights, has seriously turned his thoughts to the fate of his American dominions, distracted by civil war, and brought to the brink of the most dangerous precipice. As during the last three years, the rebellion which prevailed in Spain, defeated the constant efforts which were made for maintaining tranquillity in the Costa Firma, for rescuing the banks of the River Plata, and for preserving Peru and New Spain; his Majesty beheld with grief the progress of the flame of insurrection; but it affords, at the same time, consolation to the King, that repeated and irrefragable proofs exist of an immense number of Spaniards remaining true to their oaths of allegiance to the throne; and that the sound majority of Americans acknowledge that that hemisphere cannot be happy unless it live in brotherly connection with those who civilized those countries. These reflections powerfully animate his VOL. XV. Majesty to hope that the justice of his cause will meet with a firm support in the influence of the powers of Europe. According ly, the King has resolved upon inviting the cabinets of his dear and intimate allies to establish a conference at Paris, to the end that their plenipotentiaries, assembled there along with those of his Catholic Majesty, may aid Spain in adjusting the affairs of the revolted countries of America. In examining this important question, his Majesty will, in conjunction with his powerful allies, consider of the alterations which events have produced in his American provinces, and of the relations which, during the disorders, have been formed with commercial nations; in order thereby to adopt, with good faith, the measures most proper for conciliating the rights and just interests of the crown of Spain, and of its sovereignty, with those which circumstances may have occasioned with respect to other nations. His Majesty confiding in the sentiments of his allies, hopes that they will assist him in accomplishing the worthy object of upholding the principles of order and legitimacy, the subversion of which, once commenced in America, would presently communicate to Europe; and that they will aid him, at the same time, in re-establishing peace between this division of the globe and its colonies. It is, therefore, his Majesty's pleasure that, penetrated with these reasons, and availing yourself of the resources of your well-known talents, you should endeavour to dispose the government with which you reside, to agree to the desired co-operation, for which the events of the Peninsula have paved the way; authorising you to communicate a copy of this note to the minister for foreign affairs. God preserve you many years. (Third Inclosure in No. II.) The undersigned, &c. &c. has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the Count Ofalia's note, dated the 26th of this month. He will hasten to submit it to his government. He begs his Excellency to accept, &c. (Signed) WILLIAM A'COURT. His Excellency the Count Ofalia, &e. &c. &c. No. III. Mr Secretary Canning to Sir W. A'Court. Foreign-Office, Jan. 30, 1823. SIR,-The messenger Latchford delivered to me, on the 14th instant, your dj2 Z spatch, inclosing a copy of the Count de Ofalia's official note to you of the 26th of December last; with the accompanying copy of an instruction, which has been addressed, by order of his Catholic Majesty, to his ambassador at Paris, and to his ministers plenipotentiary at the courts of Vienna and St Petersburgh. Having laid these papers before the King, I have received his Majesty's commands to direct you to return to them the following answer :— The purpose of the Spanish instruction is to invite the several powers, the allies of his Catholic Majesty, to “establish a conference at Paris, in order that their plenipotentiaries, together with those of his Catholic Majesty, may aid Spain in adjusting the affairs of the revolted countries of America." The maintenance of the "sovereignty" of Spain over her late colonies is pointed out in this instruction as one specific object of the proposed conference; and though an expectation of the employment of force for this object, by the powers invited to the conference, is not plainly indicated, it is not distinctly disclaimed. The invitation contained in this instruction not being addressed directly to the government of Great Britain, it may not be necessary to observe upon that part of it, which refers to the late "events in the peninsula," as having "paved the way" for the "desired co-operation." The British government could not acknowledge an appeal founded upon transactions to which it was no party. But no such appeal was necessary. No variation in the internal affairs of Spain has, at any time, varied the King's desire to see a termination to the evils arising from the protracted struggle between Spain and Spanish America; or his Majesty's disposition to concur in bringing about that termination. From the year 1810, when his Majesty's single mediation was asked and granted to Spain, to effect a reconciliation with her colonies-the disturbances in which colonies had then but newly broken out-to the year 1818, when the same task, increased in difficulty by the course and complication of events in America, was proposed to be undertaken by the allied powers assembled in conference at Aix-la-Chapelle -and from the year 1818 to the present time the good offices of his Majesty for this purpose have always been at the service of Spain, within limitations, and upon conditions, which have been in each instance explicitly described. Those limitations have uniformly excluded the employment of force or of menace against the colonies, on the part of any mediating power; and those conditions have uniformly required the previous statement by Spain, of some definite and intelligible proposition and the discontinuance on her part of a system utterly inapplicable to the new relations which had grown up between the American provinces and other countries. The fruitless issue of the conferences at Aix-la-Chapelle would have deterred the British government from acceding to a proposal for again entertaining, in conference, the question of a mediation between Spain and the American provinces ; even if other circumstances had remained nearly the same. But the events which have followed each other with such rapidity during the last five years, have created so essential a difference, as well in the relative situation in which Spain and the American provinces stood, and now stand to each other, as in the external relations and the internal circumstances of the provinces themselves, that it would be vain to hope that any mediation, not founded on the basis of independence, could now be successful. The best proof which the British government can give of the interest which it continues to feel for Spain, is, to state frankly their opinion as to the course most advisable to be pursued by his Catholic Majesty ; and to answer, with the like frankness, the question implied in M. Ofalia's instruction, as to the nature and extent of their own relations with Spanish America. There is no hesitation in answering this question. The subjects of his Majesty have for many years carried on trade, and formed commercial connections, in all the American provinces, which have declared their separation from Spain. This trade was originally opened with the consent of the Spanish government. It has grown gradually to such an extent, as to require some direct protection, by the establishment, at several ports and places in those provinces, of consuls on the part of this country-a measure long deferred out of delicacy to Spain, and not resorted to at last without distinct and timely notification to the Spanish government. As to any farther step to be taken by his Majesty towards the acknowledgment of the de facto governments of America,— decision must (as has already been stated more than once to Spain and to other Powers) depend upon various circumstances; and, among others, upon the reports which the British Government may receive of the actual state of affairs in the several American Provinces. But it appears manifest to the British Government, that if so large a portion of the globe should remain much longer without any recognized political existence, or any definite political connection with the established governments of Europe, the consequences of such a state of things must be at once most embarrassing to those governments, and most injurious to the interests of all European nations. For these reasons, and not from mere views of selfish policy, the British government is decidedly of opinion, that the recognition of such of the new states as have established de facto their separate political existence, cannot be much longer delayed. The British government have no desire to anticipate Spain in that recognition. On the contrary, it is on every account their wish, that his Catholic Majesty should have the grace and the advantage of leading the way, in that recognition, among the Powers of Europe. But the court of Madrid must be aware, that the discretion of his majesty in this respect cannot be indefinitely bound up by that of his Catholic Majesty; and that even before many months elapse, the desire, now sincerely felt by the British government, to leave this precedency to Spain, may be overborne by considerations of a more comprehensive nature ;-considerations regarding not only the essential interests of his majesty's subjects, but the relations of the Old World with the New. Should Spain resolve to avail herself of the opportunity yet within her power, the British government would, if the Court of Madrid desired it, willingly afford its countenance and aid to a negotiation, commenced on that only basis which appears to them to be now practicable; and would see, without reluctance, the conclusion through a negotiation on that basis, of an arrangement, by which the mother country should be secured in the enjoyment of commercial advantages superior to those conceded to other nations. For herself, Great Britain asks no exclusive privileges of trade; no invidious preference, but equal freedom of commerce for all. If Spain shall determine to persevere in other counsels, it cannot but be expected that Great Britain must take her own course upon this matter, when the time for taking it shall arrive; of which Spain shall have full and early intimation. Nothing that is here stated can occasion to the Spanish government any surprise. In my dispatch to Sir Charles Stuart of the 31st March, 1823, which was communicated to the Spanish government, the opinion was distinctly expressed, that, "time and the course of events had substantially decided the separation of the colonies from the mother country; although the formal recognition of those provinces, as independent states, by his Majesty, might be hastened or retarded by various external circumstances, as well as by the more or less satisfactory progress, in each state, towards a regular and settled form of government." At a subsequent period, in a communi The Memorandum of Conference.-No. I. cation made, in the first instance in France, and afterwards to other powers,+ as well as to Spain, the same opinions were repeated; with this specific addition,-that in either of two cases (now happily not likely to occur,)-in that of any attempt on the part of Spain, to revive the obsolete interdiction of intercourse with the countries over which she has no longer any actual dominion;— or in that of the employment of foreign assistance to re-establish her dominion in those countries, by force of arms;-the recognition of such new states by his Majesty would be decided and immediate. After thus declaring to you, for the information of the court of Madrid, the deliberate opinion of the British government on the points on which Spain requires the advice of her allies, it does not appear to the British cabinet at all necessary to go into a conference, to declare that opinion anew; even if it were perfectly clear, from the tenor of M. Ofalia's instruction, that Great Britain is in fact included in the invitation to the conference at Paris. Every one of the Powers so invited has been constantly and unreservedly apprized, not only of each step which the British government has taken, but of every opinion which it has formed on this subject :and this dispatch will be communicated to them all. If those powers should severally come to the same conclusion with Great Britain, the concurrent expression of their several opinions cannot have less weight in the judgment of Spain,-and must naturally be more acceptable to her feelings,-than if such concurrence, being the result of a conference of five powers, should carry the appearance of a concerted dictation. If (unhappily, as we think) the allies, or any of them should come to a different conclusion, we shall at least have avoided the inconvenience of a discussion, by which our own opinion could not have been changed; -we shall have avoided an appearance of mystery, by which the jealousy of other parties might have been excited ;—we shall have avoided a delay, which the state of the question may hardly allow. Meanwhile, this explicit recapitulation of the whole course of our sentiments and of our proceedings on this momentous subject, must at once acquit us of any indisposition to answer the call of Spain for friendly counsel, and protect us against the suspicion of having any purpose to conceal from Spain or from the world. I am, &c. (Signed) GEORGE CANNING. The Right Hon. Sir W. A'Court, G. C. B. &c. &c. &c. † Austria, Russia, Prussia, Portugal, the Netherlands, and the United States of America. Noctes Ambrosianae. No. XIII. ΧΡΗ ΔΕΝ ΣΥΜΠΟΣΙΩ ΚΥΛΙΚΩΝ ΠΕΡΙΝΙΣΣΟΜΕΝΑΩΝ [This is a distich by wise old Phocylides, PHOC. ap. Ath. An ancient who wrote crabbed Greek in no silly days; Meaning, ""TIS RIGHT FOR GOOD WINEBIBBING PEOPLE, "NOT TO LET THE JUG PACE ROUND THE BOARD LIKE A CRIPPLE; An excellent rule of the hearty old cock 'tis- C. N. ap. Ambr. Dram. Pers.-NORTH AND TICKLER. TICKLER. Proper humbug!-but don't rail, North, for I remember his father NORTH. I rail?-I like him better than most of them, for he has pluck-he has the old lad's blood in him. I was only wondering that he should again commit himself in such a way; but there really is no accounting for Whig conduct. TICKLER. Pooh! pooh! I was joking, man; he is in private a pleasant fellow enough, but in public, he is one of the hacks of the party, and of course obliged to get through such things. Yet it would be no harm, I think, if he remembered to what set of men, and what system, his people owed their honours; and, perhaps, although he is in the service of the Duke of Devonshire, such a recollection might make him less rabid on the followers of Fitt. NORTH. Hang it! such a cheese-paring is not worth wasting a sentence about. Keep moving with the Review. The price of tea-I think we're that length TICKLER. I leave to the wallowers of Souchong, Campoi, Hyson, Hymskin, Bohea, Congou, Twankay, and Gunpowder. This will be a favourite article with the Cockneys-with the leafy—that is, tea-leafy bards, who It is nothing to us. Te redeunte die, te decedente canebant. NORTH. Nothing whatever-I leave it, and the discussion on the Holy Alliance, to be swallowed by those whom it is meant for. TICKLER. The Jeremiade over the Italian traitors is vastly interesting; then it appears, that, after all, only one of the ruffians expiated his crimes on the gallows. NORTH. God bless the Jacobins, and their child and champion. They would have made cleaver work of it. It is, however, quite comfortable to hear Old Bailey lawyers, like Denman and Brougham, talking of the savageness of the Austrian government, when they must know, that in a population double our own, the executions are as one to five, if not in a still smaller proportion. A Vienna Review, if there be such a thing, could finely retort that in our faces. With respect WAITER (outside.) That's all, sir.-There's a trifle of a balance, sir, against you since ODOHERTY (speaks as enters.) Pshaw-don't bother me, man, with your balances. Do you think, when the Champaigne, Chateau-Margout, Glenlivet, or Jamaica? NORTH. We have got to the hot stuff this hour. Will you try our jug, or make for yourself? I recommend the jug. TICKLER. ODOHERTY. I am quite agreeable wherever I go. Here's a bumper to your health, and that of all good men and true. How long are you arrived? TICKLER. ODOHERTY. Half an hour. Knew I'd meet somebody here. Where are the rest? NORTH. Hogg is at work with his Epic poem. ODOHERTY. His He-pig poem you mean. Queen Hynde, if I mistake not. A great affair, I suppose. TICKLER. Quite grand. The Shepherd has been reading it all over the hills and far away. There are fine bits in it, I assure you. I heard the exordium; it is splendid. Do you remember any of it? ODOHERTY. TICKLER. No-not enough at least to spout. ODOHERTY. I met Jemmy Ballantyne at York-we supped together-and he told me he had heard it was to open like the Æneid or Madoc. NORTH.. The Æneid or Madoc! Just as you would say Blackwood's Magazine and the London! How do you mean? ODOHERTY. Why, with a recapitulation of all his works-as thus-I quote from memory |