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Life, but a lengthened chain;
Youth, weary, wild, and vain ;
Age on a bed of pain,
Longing to die!

perty are not worth a feather. The real heir he announces to be Torrento, Anselmo's son. He behaves honourably and kindly to the Count and Countess, and the play ends with a double wedding.

The denouement is too much hastened, and the dialogue too thickly set with puns and clenches of various descriptions. The title is evidently a misnomer, for the pride of Ventoso and his wife can scarcely be said to be humbled by the marriage of their daughters, one with the son of a prince, and the other with a man of immense wealth, while they are suffered to retain their honours and property. But it is a play which acts well, and reads well, and we are sure our readers will agree with us, from the extracts we have given, one that affords earnest of higher dramatic excellence. We wish Croly would try his hand on a blank verse comedy of the Beaumont and Fletcher School, where his poetry would have full play, and he would be above the temptation of consulting the little whims and clap-traps of actors. As he has now made his appearance on the stage, we may ask, does he intend to confine Catiline to closet readers? Is there no chance that we shall see that brilliant tragedy represented by adequate performers? We hope that there is.

This comedy is dedicated to Canning. This is right, and as it should be. It is pleasant to see a high minister of the state, and such a minister, too, as Canning, fostering by his countenance the productions of national genius-and no less pleasant to perceive that the time has come when authors can boldly dedicate to people in authority, without running the risk of incurring the suspicion of sycophancy, or of speaking the language of compliment for any other reason than that it is the language of truth.

Some of the songs are worthy of this author.

They sing.-Trio.-(Spanish.) TELL us, thou glorious Star of eve! What sees thine eye? Wherever human hearts can heave, Man's misery!

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The song of the shepherd's returning ! And sweet 'tis to sit, where the vintage festoon, my love,

Lets in, like snow-flakes, the light of the moon, my love;

And to the castanet
Twinkle the merry feet,

And beauty's dark eyes are burning, my
love.

But sweeter the hour, when the star hides its gleam,

And the moon in the waters hath bath'd her white beam,

And the world and its woes are as still as a dream;

For then, joy the midnight is winging: Then, comes to my window the sound of thy lute, my love,

Come tender tales, when its thrillings are mute, my love:

Oh, never morning smil'd

On visions bright and wild, Such as that dark hour is bringing, my love!

LEONORA. (Italian.)
WHEN Eve's blue star is gleaming,
When wakes the dewy breeze,
When watch-tower lights are streaming,
Along the misty seas ;-

Oh, then, my love! sigh to me,
Thy roundelay!

The night, when thou'rt nigh to me,
Outshines the day.

THE RECENT STATE PAPERS CONCERNING SOUTH AMERICA.

SOME of our readers may perchance think we have already given them enough of political matters for this month; but this is the political time of the year, and discussions about Ireland, Jamaica, and South America, have the same propriety, while March winds blow, that fishing tours boast in glorious June, and rejoicings on lordly Bræmar in more glorious September. We confess, to say truth, that we have a very singular pleasure in inserting here, at full length, the communications relative to Spain and Spanish America, which Mr Canning recently laid before Parliament, by his Majesty's command. We approve of the substance of these papers-it delights our inmost soul to see the consternation which their tenor has stamped upon the sour and sulky faces of those who were prating at public dinners last summer, about the fallen attitude of England, forsooth, and many other equally fine and finely said things. These gentry talk: ours in the meantime do the work that ought to be done, either long before they understand the question at all, or, if they do understand it enough to take up the wrong side, in spite of their teeth. But it delights us also to see the statesmanship of England clothing itself in the genuine language of England. The views of such a government ought to be expressed in the classical tongue of the land. Here we have them so written: and pray compare them for a moment with Chateaubriand's chimes about Française and Européenne, and all that sort of thing; or what think ye of the Don most magniloquent, with his eternal" nuestros muy caros y poderosos aliados?" The terse perspicuous, polished ease and elegance, and, at the same time, the true dignity of Mr Canning's state-papers cannot be surpassed. We have no hesitation in saying, that whatever may be the case as to other points, there never was the day when our diplomacy wore so graceful a garb. The baffling delicacy of his insinuating, contrasted with the clear energetic brevity of his out-speaking mood, is altogether exquisite. There is the touch of a Greek, an old Greek pen, in every sentence of this writer's English. What a master of the intellectual foil!

We could spend a page or two very pleasantly upon this theme; but, for a mere preface, enough already. Mr Canning is at present one of the most popular ministers England ever had; but little do the Whigs know or remember, when they flatter themselves, as they at present seem to be doing, that it is in their power to flatter him. Egregious bats, do they think the eagle wants spectacles? They, forsooth, to praise Canning! Well does he know the rankling ineradicable venom of their breasts.

Indeed every one seems to understand them pretty well now. And, by the way, every one seems to understand so thoroughly the whole of this great row between Lord Eldon on the one side, and the Whig barristers and their darling PRIVILEGE on the other, that, although we had meant to do otherwise, we shall for the present pass it sub silentio. Long may Lord Eldon be on the woolsack the same appalling Gorgon of Whig eyes, that Canning is elsewhere, wielding tongue or pen as it may happen! Long may Eldon watch over the ancient law, and Canning over the ancient honour of England; and firmly, and well, and long, may Liverpool and Peel stand by that church, whose precepts and institutions form

the best bulwarks of both; and which THEREFORE, and therefore only, is the chiefest mark of the rabid rage of the Whigs-from the lazy leaden lord of a hundred originally ecclesiastical manors, down to the meanest ragamuffin that ever scribbled a five pound article in the Edinburgh Review, or a five shilling one in the Morning Chronicle, or a fivepenny one in the Black Dwarf!

COMMUNICATIONS WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN, RELATING TO THE SPANISH

No. I.

AMERICAN PROVINCES.

Extract of a Memorandum of a Conference between the Prince de Polignac and Mr Canning, held October 9th, 1823.

THE Prince de Polignac having announced to Mr Canning, that his excellency was now prepared to enter with Mr Canning into a frank explanation of the views of his government respecting the question of Spanish America, in return for a similar communication which Mr Canning had previously offered to make to the Prince de Polignac on the part of the Bri. tish cabinet, Mr Canning stated:

That the British cabinet had no disguise or reservation on that subject: that their opinions and intentions were substantially the same as were announced to the French government, by the dispatch of Mr Canning to Sir Charles Stuart of the 31st of March; which dispatch that ambassador communicated to M. de Chateaubriand, and which had since been published to the world.

That the near approach of a crisis, in which the affairs of Spanish America must naturally occupy a great share of the attention of both powers, made it desirable that there should be no misunderstanding between them on any part of a subject so important.

That the British government were of opinion, that any attempt to bring Spanish America again under its ancient submission to Spain, must be utterly hopeless: that all negotiation for that purpose would be unsuccessful; and that the prolonga tion or renewal of war for the same object would be only a waste of human life, and an infliction of calamity on both parties, to no end.

That the British government would, however, not only abstain from interposing any obstacle, on their part, to any attempt at negotiation, which Spain might think proper to make, but would aid and countenance such negotiation, provided it were founded upon a basis which appeared to them to be practicable; and that they would, in any case, remain strictly neutral in a war between Spain and the Colonies, if war should be unhappily prolonged.

But that the junction of any foreign

power, in an enterprize of Spain against the Colonies, would be viewed by them as constituting an entirely new question; and one upon which they must take such decision as the interests of Great Britain might require.

That the British government absolutely disclaimed, not only any desire of appropriating to itself any portion of the Spanish Colonies, but any intention of forming any political connection with them, beyond that of amity and commercial inter

course.

That in those respects, so far from seeking an exclusive preference for British subjects over those of foreign states, England was prepared, and would be contented, to see the mother country (by virtue of an amicable arrangement) in possession of that preference; and to be ranked, after her, equally with others, on the footing of the most favoured nation.

That, completely convinced that the ancient system of the Colonies could not be restored, the British government could not enter into any stipulation binding itself either to refuse or to delay its recognition of their independence.

That the British government had no desire to precipitate that recognition, so long as there was any reasonable chance of an accommodation with the mother country, by which such a recognition might come first from Spain.

But that it could not wait indefinitely for that result; that it could not consent to make its recognition of the new states, dependent upon that of Spain; and that it would consider any foreign interference, by force or by menace, in the dispute between Spain and the Colonies, as a motive for recognizing the latter without delay.

That the mission of consuls to the seve ral provinces of Spanish America, was no new measure on the part of this country :that it was one which had, on the contrary, been delayed, perhaps too long, in consideration of the state of Spain, after having been announced to the Spanish government in the month of December last, as settled; and even after a list had been furnished to that government of the places to which such appointments were intended to be made.

That such appointments were absolutely necessary for the protection of British

trade in those countries.

That the old pretension of Spain to interdict all trade with those countries, was, in the opinion of the British government, altogether obsolete ;-but that, even if attempted to be enforced against others, it was, with regard to Great Britain, clearly inapplicable.

That permission to trade with the Spanish Colonies had been conceded to Great Britain in the year 1810, when the mediation of Great Britain between Spain and her Colonies was asked by Spain, and granted by Great Britain :-that this mediation, indeed, was not afterwards employed, because Spain changed her counsel: but that it was not, therefore, practicable for Great Britain to withdraw commercial capital once embarked in Spanish America, and to desist from commercial intercourse once established.

That it had been ever since distinctly understood that the trade was open to British subjects, and that the ancient coast laws of Spain were, so far as regarded them at least, tacitly repealed.

That in virtue of this understanding, redress had been demanded of Spain in 1822, for (among other grievances) seizures of vessels for alleged infringements of those laws; which redress the Spanish government bound itself by a convention, (now in course of execution,) to afford.

That Great Britain, however, had no desire to set up any separate right to the free enjoyment of this trade: that she considered the force of circumstances, and the irreversible progress of events, to have already determined the question of the existence of that freedom for all the world; but that, for herself, she claimed, and would continue to use it; and should any attempt be made to dispute that claim, and to renew the obsolete interdiction, such attempt might be best cut short by a speedy and unqualified recognition of the independence of the Spanish American states.

That, with these general opinions, and with these peculiar claims, England could not go into a joint deliberation upon the subject of Spanish America, upon an equal footing with other powers, whose opinions were less formed upon that question, and whose interests were less implicated in the decision of it.

That she thought it fair, therefore, to explain beforehand, to what degree her mind was made up, and her determination taken.

The Prince de Polignac declared,

That his government believed it to be utterly hopeless to reduce Spanish America to the state of its fermer relation to Spain:

That France disclaimed, on her part, any intention or desire to avail herself of the present state of the colonies, or of the present situation of France towards Spain, to appropriate to herself any part of the Spanish possessions in America, or to obtain for herself any exclusive advantages:

And that, like England, she would willingly see the mother country in possession of superior commercial advantages, by amicable arrangements; and would be contented, like her, to rank, after the mother country, among the most favoured nations.

Lastly, that she abjured, in any case, any design of acting against the Colonies by force of arms.

The Prince de Polignac proceeded to say,

That, as to what might be the best arrangement between Spain and her Colonies, the French government could not give, nor venture to form, an opinion, until the King of Spain should be at liberty;

That they would then be ready to enter upon it, in concert with their allies, and with Great Britain among the number.

In observing upon what Mr Canning had said, with respect to the peculiar situation of Great Britain, in reference to such a conference, the Prince de Polignac declared,

That he saw no difficulty which should prevent England from taking part in the conference, however she might now announce the difference, in the view which she took of the question, from that taken by the allies. The refusal of England to co-operate in the work of reconciliation might afford reason to think, either that she did not really wish for that reconciliation, or that she had some ulterior object in contemplation; two suppositions equally injurious to the honour and good faith of the British cabinet.

The Prince de Polignac further declared,

That he could not conceive what could be meant, under the present circumstances, by a pure and simple acknowledgment of the independence of the Spanish Colonies; since, those countries being actually distracted by civil wars, there existed no government in them which could offer any appearance of solidity;-and that the acknowledgment of American independence, so long as such a state of things continued, appeared to him to be nothing less than a real sanction of anarchy.

The Prince de Polignac added,

That, in the interest of humanity, and especially in that of the Spanish Colonies, it would be worthy of the European governments to concert together the means of calming, in those distant and scarcely civilized regions, passions blinded by party

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Madrid, December 30, 1823. THE inclosed Note, though dated the 26th, did not reach me till yesterday. By my answer, a copy of which I have the ho nour to inclose, you will see that I merely acknowledge its receipt, promising to transmit it to my government.

(Signed) WILLIAM A Court. The Right Hon. George Canning, &c. &c. &c.

First Inclosure in No. II. Count Ofalia to Sir William A'Court. Palacio, 26 e Deciembre de 1823. MUY SENOR M10,

TENGO la honra de participar á V. S. que Su Majestad el Rey, mi Augosto Amo, ha resuelto dedicar su particular atencion á el arreglo de los negocios de los paises desidentes de la America Espanola; deseoso de lograr la dicha de ver pacificos sus estados, en los que prendio la semilla de la anarquia, con perjuicio de la seguridad de los otros Gobiernos : razon porque S.M. ha creido oportuno contar con el auxilio de sus caros aliados, para obtener resultados que deben ser ventajosos para la tranquilidad y prosperidad de toda la Europa.

La copia adjunta instruirá á V.S. de las ordenes dadas á los representantes de Su Magestad Catolica en las Cortes de Austria, Francia, y Rusia, y como aun no residan los Ministros de Espana en Londres ni Berlin, el Rey me ha prevenido que dirija a V. S. y al Senor Ministro de Prusia en esta Corte, el traslado de dicha comunicacion, que Su Magestad espera se servirá V. S. transmitir á su Gobierno, en cuya amistad y fina politica confia el Rey Mi Amo, que sabrá apreciar la franqueza de esta comunicacion, y la equidad que ha dictado las bases en que se funda.

Aprovecho esta ocasion, &c. (Firmado) EL CONDE DE (falia. Sr. Ministro de Inglaterra.

Translation of First Inclosure in No. II. Palace, December 26, 1823.

HONOURED SIR,

I HAVE the honour to inform you that the King, my august master, has determined to devote his particular attention to the regulation of the affairs concerning the disturbed countries of Spanish America, being solicitous to succeed in pacifying his dominions, in which the seeds of anarchy have taken root to the prejudice of the safety of other governments. His Majesty has therefore thought that he might justly calculate on the assistance of his dear allies, towards obtaining results which cannot but prove beneficial to the tranquillity and happiness of all Europe.

The inclosed copy will put you, Sir, in possession of the orders issued to his Catholic Majesty's representatives at the Courts of Austria, France, and Russia ;—and as the ministers of Spain have not yet proceeded to London and Berlin, the King has directed me to address to you, Sir, and to the minister of Prussia at this Court, a transcript of the said communication; which his Majesty hopes you will have the goodness to transmit to your government, whose friendship and upright policy, the King, my master, trusts, will know how to appreciate the frankness of this communication, and the equity which has dictated the bases on which it is founded.

I avail myself of this opportunity, &c. (Signed) THE Conde de OFALIA. To the Minister of England.

(Second Inclosure in No. II.) Count Ofalia to his Catholic Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, and Ministers Plenipotentiary at St Petersburgh and Vienna.

RESTITUIDO El Rey, Nuestro Senor, al trono de sus mayores en el goce de sus heredados derechos, ha tenido muy presente la suerte de sus dominios de America, despedazados por la guerra civil, y puestos al borde del mas ruinoso precipicio. Inutilizados en los tres anos ultimos por la rebelion sostenida en Espana los constantes esfuerzos hechos para mantener la Costa Firme en tranquilidad, para libertar las riberas de la. Plata, y para conservar el Perú la Nueva Espana; ha visto Su Magestad con dolor los progresos del fuego de la insurreccion; pero tambien sirve Al Rey de consuelo la repeticion de pruebas irrefragables de que una immensidad de Espanoles son fieles á sus juramentos de lealtad al trono; y la sana mayoriá Americana reconoce que no puede ser feliz aquel hemisferio, sin vivir hermanado con los que civilizaron aquellos paises.

Estas reflexiones animan poderosamente á Su Magestad á esperar que la justicia de su causa hallará firme apoyo en la influencia de las potencias de Europa. Por lo quo ha resuelto El Rey que se invite á los ga

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