designing, and dishonest men, that they were in the darkest part of their history,

Nor can it even be said, that they have manifested the slightest wish to adopt those measures of conciliation, which they are so ready to demand from others. They have not abated one jot of their virulence, nor shewn the most distant design of acting with candour, far less with courtesy and forbearance. They have not forgotten that there is a difference in principle between themselves and their opponents, though, with a most laughable gravity, they would now wish the Tories to do so. Follow them to their places of convocation, and of party musterhear them, when their spirits wax big as numbers seem to give a temporary importance to their harangues, and you will find the self-same mad, rabid, and dishonest spirit of discussion which raged during the blackest part of their career. I need not go far to bring you an example to prove this. Look back to the report (corrected by themselves) of their vamped-up speeches at the last dinner in honour of their patron saint, and you will see enough to convince you that, with them, conciliation is still a name. I will not pollute your pages, nor will I give the native and acquired insignificance of the persons who figured there any importance by attacking them here, but I would just allude to a few of the topics then introduced to shew the spirit by which these persons are still guided. We have Jeffrey praising Yankee independence at the expense of English honour; and babbling in his usual style about republics, free-trade, and liberty. We have Moncrieff associating the memory of Erskine with trials for treason; and delivering the usual harangue about "trial by jury," one of the greatest benefits of which has been the ridding this country of the libellers and blasphemers who belong to his own set. Then we have Cockburn conjuring up that arch-blunderer Hume -the most dogmatical, stupid, tiresome pest, that ever haunted St Stephens. Could not this economist tell Mr Cockburn how to blot out from the list some of our Scottish pensioners?-this would be a practical goodand perhaps the advocate might point out examples where to begin. I mention not any of their civil and religious liberty toasts-their "freedom of conscience," and "liberty of the press,"

-which mean the destruction of esta❤ blishments, and all abuse to be on one side; because what I have already said is enough to shew that, with these men, the same bitter, rankling, discontented spirit remains, which has all along distinguished them. What claim, therefore, have these people to conciliation, and upon what right do they receive it?

The truth is, that look into whatever department of Whig policy we may, we can see no earthly difference between what they now are, and what they were in former times, except that their power is gone. There is still the same outcry against ministers, and the same sullen discontent at all our measures of national policy. True, some of them are at times found, talking of the popularity of Canning, and of the liberality of giving places to some of their friends, but in the next breath we hear it followed with the reflec tion, that the time has arrived at last when merit is to be rewarded. The party have gaped so long with hungry mouths at the good things which were only to be enjoyed by them in anticipation, that the slightest mark of favour is received as a great and unexpected boon. In all but this, however, their hatred to the measures of administration remain unchanged. It is true, that with the great body of the people these measures are now viewed as the only ones which could be adopted for the prosperity and the honour of the country; but it is not the great body of the people that we call Whigs. There is a circulating mass of our population, which cannot be said to belong to any party whatever. They are led very much by external circumstances, and may be found successively the followers of demagogues; the applauders of praters about constitutional measures, and the ferocious shouters at the bloody triumphs of a tyrant. During times of distress, this part of the population were led by designing demagogues to adopt the levelling principles of the day, but since the return of employment and of plenty, they have with one accord been restored to industry and to allegiance. The Whigs, however, are not the body of the people, but, in this country at least, with a few exceptions, they are confined to some smatterers in law and other sciences in our metropolis; to a smaller number of discontented traders in our other towns; and a

very few crazed noblemen and nearly ruined country gentlemen. We defy the ingenuity of Jeffrey himself to pick out a single Whig, except in one or other of these degrees. It is vain, therefore, to talk of public feeling and popular sentiment, and to say, that these are Whig opinions coming round in favour of Tory measures; and that conciliation ought, therefore, to be extended to men who are thus changing their views. The mass of the people are not, and never were Whigs; they may be misled for a time, but they generally come right at last; and the fact of their being attached to government at the present day, proves nothing as to Whig feeling at all. That party stands by itself-with all its former rancour and malignity-a prating, discontented, disingenuous, illiberal "few," who seem to be sworn to inconsistency, endless opposition, and enduring contempt.

It is altogether a mistaken idea, therefore, to suppose, that those conciliating or flattering measures adopted towards the Whig party are to have a happy effect upon public feeling in the country. It is a mere assertion, unsupported by argument, and false in fact, to say, that the body of the people rejoice in every act of kindness bestowed upon the members of Opposition. Whatever it once was, the case is now quite the reverse. Ample opportunities have been afforded, of late, to weigh the character and pretensions of those men who come forward as leaders in political discussions, and the public are neither so obtuse, nor so bigotted, as not to draw the proper conclusion. We say, that there is a change in popular feeling (not in Whig feeling be it observed,) towards the supporters of Administration, which a few years ago could not even have been conceived of. We do not state this upon any process of reasoning which might be disputed, but we appeal to facts, and dare any one to disprove or overturn them. In all the departments of the state we find a wonderful change in the sentiments with which every person is regarded who can be said to form a part of Administration. Our judges are revered, our magistrates respected, and every person in authority under the King is viewed with reverence and honour. Instead of being considered as holding power which may be used for oppression, and situations which

are designed for personal aggrandizement, a fair and candid admission is now made of their importance to government and to society. In the same way, visit any, the most remote part of the country, and you find the same sentiments prevail. The rulers in our burghs are viewed as men of the greatest integrity in the community, and the landed proprietors, who are attached to government, are considered to possess the greatest respectability and honour. We state this as the opinion of the mass of the people at the present day-we do so from our observation of them in all ranks

and we decidedly hold, that with them the Whigs are viewed with a feeling somewhat worse than that of mere indifference. They have found in every case, that not only are the measures brought forward by these persons mere chimerical schemestoo often of a selfish kind, which can never lead to practical good; but that, in reality, whenever the Whigs have obtained power, they have exhibited in their own persons an illustration of every evil of which they have complained; and have proved themselves to be the most oppressive and tyrannical of all masters wherever their power was felt and acknowledged.

We have stated this much to shew that the Whigs, in their cry for conciliation, have shewn no wish on their part to adopt any accommodating measures; and that the great body of the people being attached to government, and of course to the Tories who support it, the concessions made to the Whigs can be of no public benefit. The policy therefore is unsound, as we hold it to be mean, which endeavours to sooth and to flatter men who are as rancorous in their hostility as ever, and who are viewed with disgust by the great body of the people.

While I thus state my sentiments frankly and freely upon this subject, I rejoice that you at least have given this principle of conciliation no countenance, either by your precept or example. On your part, there has, as yet, been no sacrifice of those principlesfor principles they must be, by which your public course has been directed. Raised up to check the infidel, licentious, and factious designs of the Whig press, your conduct has been marked by an undeviating and steady devotion to this purpose. And yet there are some who also call upon you for concilia

tion. And what are the arguments upon which they found their demand? Have the retainers of the Whig press ceased to pour out their ribaldry and abuse? Has the Morning Chronicle become tender of female character? Have Moore and Byron ceased to be licentious and blasphemous? Has the Edinburgh Review become a loyal and patriotic work? We bring the matter just to this point, and we affirm, that if there has been the smallest change in these respects in Whig publications, it is only because the public feeling will not admit of their former impertinence and crime. Their weapons may have been shivered in the conflict, but their spirit of hostility is not gone; and every week, every day, bears witness to some glaring act against the institutions or the religion of the land. Amidst all this demand, therefore, for moderation in regard to the Tory press, there has not been one instance either of forbearance, or of candour, or of liberality, in those with whom the demand originated. Byron writes his blasphemy, and Hunt vends it with the same hardihood, as if conciliation was never dreamt of; and Jeffrey pens his jokes, and vents his politics, with the same pertness, as though his party were in the plenitude of their power. And are all things, honest and dishonest, to be lawful to these men, while you and others are to be smoothed down to suit the altered policy of the day? Is that to be a crime in one which is not only tolerated but applauded in another? And are you to hesitate about speaking the truth boldly, openly, and fully, while your opponents are gloating themselves with every species of false

hood, blasphemy, and abuse? Does conciliation demand this? Has the time arrived when Whig folly and Whig crime are to be buried in oblivion; and when the party are to commit all manner of offences without either notice or rebuke? No. From you, they cannot expect, nor is it proper that they should receive, anything which is to compromise the principles by which you have all along been animated; principles, with the exercise of which must not only be connected the prosperity, but the very existence of our country.

I trust, therefore, that we are soon to hear less, on all sides, of that conciliation which is the prevailing cry of the day. The Whigs can now do no evil, let us therefore pass them over with contempt; they never can do good, let us` therefore despise to court them. From being the most bitter and rancorous enemies of the time-hallowed institutions of the country, they have now become empty prattlers, stripped of power, and covered with conscious imbecility. Disappointed in all their plans for the ruin of the country, and thwarted in all their attempts to raise themselves to power; they would now stand in the same rank with those, who, against their machinations, have defended the bulwark of the constitution. But the memory of what they were cannot be blotted out, nor the knowledge of what they are be forgotten, and their present meanness only aggravates their past crimes, and secures to them that scorn which is their rightful heritage. Yours truly,

TIMON.