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South America.

place them, even with regard to doc trines, far below its fears. If the allied sovereigns wish republicanism to receive its death-blow, let them leave the republics of these states to yield their natural fruits, and to destroy themselves.

It has been said, that the allied sovereigns merely wish for the establishment of some rational, practical, independent government in South America, for the benefit of itself alone. There would be but little to condemn in such a wish, even though it savoured of the impossible. The warmest friend of South America would wish to see it converted into one, or two, constitutional monarchies, framed upon the model of the British one, as far as the genius, habits, and circumstances of the population would permit, and having, for functionaries, practical, experienced men of British constitutional principles. He would wish this, not merely as a friend to its future prosperity, happiness, and greatness; but in order that it might be saved from impotency, strife, misrule, anarchy, bloodshed, and ruin. If mankind would act from right motives alone, this might be easily accomplished, for its expediency would be admitted by all parties. But were the allied sovereigns to propose that the people should themselves trace the boundaries of these monarchies, that they should have all the royal houses of Europe, and, in truth, all mankind to choose their sovereigns from, that they should draw up their own constitutions under no other restriction, than that they should contain nothing manifestly hostile to social order, and that the sovereigns should guarantee the permanence of these monarchies, and the preservation of internal tranquillity-such a scheme, however salutary it might be for the country, however palatable it might be to the people at large, could still only be carried into effect by force, and of course in direct opposition to public law. Not only the Liberals of Europe and the government of the United States, but the powers that be in South America would resist it with all their might, and this would be a sufficient reason for not undertaking it.

It may be proper here to remark, when so much praise has been lavished by our Whigs upon the protest of the President of the United States

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against the interference of the Allied [Feb. rica, that this protest may safely be Powers with the affairs of South Amemotives. It is the manifest interest referred to the lowest of interested of the United States, that South Ame rica should be divided and governed as it is. If the latter formed but one state, it might easily possess itself of a formidable fleet, a numerous army, and powerful allies, and might be come a sturdy equal and a galling curb, as well as a valuable neighbour. But the feeble, jarring republics must be content to remain without fleets, armies, and allies ;-they must be content to act the slave when North Ame rica pleases to act the bully, and to look on in submissive trembling, when she pleases to aggrandise herself, either to their danger, or at their exworld, with regard to power, the pense. She will be in the western France, as it was in the days of Buonaparte on land, and the England on the ocean. portion in which it is the interest In exactly the same proof the United States for South America to remain what it is, it is the interest of England that it should not so remain-that it should be consolidated into one, or two, powerful states. try in the world has so great an inteNext to South America itself, no counrest in promoting such consolidation ing of interests ought at any rate to as Great Britain. This violent clashconding the views of North America. make us exceedingly cautious in se

of the States of South America on our With regard to the future influence general interests, they will, no doubt, furnish an extremely beneficial market for our trade. With this we must be satisfied. They will add vigour to the rivalry which exists between us fainting jealousies and animosities, and and the United States, revive our make us almost natural enemies. They and not seldom in war, with that will frequently embroil us in disputes, power; for the preservation of their rights from its invasion, and of their territory from its grasp, will, in a great degree, devolve upon us. While they will thus render the duty of guarding our interests more difficult, make the more extensive and laborious, and multask of maintaining the balance of power tiply the chances of war and its evil consequences, they will be comparatively worthless as allies and auxilia

tween trade and no trade, the Whigs and Radicals huzza, because that por tion of the world is throwing off a monarchical government; the better portion of us wave our hats, because it is swelling the list of free States, and the tide of our commerce and manufactures; and all seem to think that, provided it become independent, and allow us to trade with it, there is nothing more to be anxious about, either for its own sake, or ours. We seem to believe, that the best institu tions will naturally be formed; that things will naturally take the best channel for the future; and that it is impossible for error to be committed now, and calamity to be reaped hereafter. Is this delusion, so glaring and disgraceful, to last for ever? and are we, while we are boasting of being wise above all who have gone before us, still to pursue conduct that would be scarcely worthy of children?

To what is all this owing? What has placed the extensive regions of South America in the worst possible situation that the acquisition of their independence could have placed them in, with regard to themselves and to Europe? What causes this consum

ries. We must have no alliance with them we must draw none of the benefits from them that spring from alliance, and still we must act for them towards the United States, as though we were cemented by alliance into one; and we must fight for them, when fighting is the order of the day, as principals, and almost single-handed. We must, moreover, not expect the negative advantage of quarrelling for, and of being assisted by, the whole when we do quarrel for them; but it must be for one at a time, with, not seldom, some of the others opposing us in the business. This must, of course, add to the chances in favour of the frequency of strife, and increase the odds against us when we are engaged in it. Looking at British in terests alone, it is painful in the extreme to think of what South America might have been rendered, and to see what it has been made. As one State, it would have yielded as many present benefits to our trade as it yields in its divided condition. With one rational, stable, efficient government, probability would have been entirely in favour of an increase of this trade; but with the existing hundred cockney, shadowy governments, probabimation to yield the least possible belity is wholly in favour of its interruption and decrease from internal contentions and changes. As one State, South America would have formed a natural and most valuable ally to Great Britain: it would have enabled us to preserve important national possessions, which we can scarcely preserve without an ally, and for the preservation of which, we must now seek one in vain. Both would have had territory bordering on that of the United States-both would have had a clear interest in guaranteeing the inviolability of each other's territory, and in restraining that power from further aggrandizing itself, and their combined means would have been amply sufficient for the purpose. As it is, in our next contest with the United States for our possessions that lie near them, we must fight alone, and national vanity itself can scarcely hope for a favourable issue.

The main object of these remarks is, to draw the attention of our statesmen to the real merits of the great question respecting South America. It is in general regarded as a mere affair between liberty and slavery, beVOL. XV.

nefit to Great Britain, both with respect to the present and the future? And what causes our own blindness to truths so apparent? The new prin ciples of social union and government

Liberal opinions and Liberals. A new race of usurpers and tyrants, consisting of discarded and would-be statesmen, and needy and ambitious soldiers, has sprung into being, and it is to that we are indebted for this mass of present loss and fearful anticipation. Things cannot be done now as formerly. The individual usurper cannot now find accomplices to place the crown on his head, therefore the prize is shared; an army cannot now be raised among dependants and connections to fight avowedly for the sovereignty, therefore one is provided by

disorganization, and Liberty is the rallying cry for the establishment of an oligarchical tyranny. But motives and objects are substantially unchanged. If we dispassionately compare the creed and practice of these usurpers, with those of absolute monarchs, the latter are demonstrably the best, not merely with regard to national weal and happiness, but even with respect

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Let us, however, hope that Liberty, pretended friends of liberty-let us, however banished at present, will, in instead of listening to their words, look the next generation, be the possession at their conduct. It is the common of all. Liberty will be casily attain- cry, that, because we are Constitutioned for the world, when it shall be alists ourselves, we are bound to resought at the proper season, and in gard the Constitutionalists of Europe the proper manner, by those who with brotherly affection; and that ought to seek it. But it will never whenever they seize upon a throne, it be obtained for the world by disap- is our especial constitutional duty to pointed party leaders, political quacks, rejoice on the occasion. Lord Holland, trading constitution-mongers, mercein the fulness of his wisdom, even nary officers, and infuriated mobs.-It seems to think, that we ought to put will never be obtained for the world ourselves at the head of these persons by abuses of Kings and Ministers, by forthwith. Now, in the name of comexciting hatred against religion and its mon sense, what relationship have we teachers, by demoralizing mankind, with them? What principle do we, as and by arraying every man against his worshippers of the British Constituneighbour, and rendering the Demo- tion, hold in common with the Consticracy, the implacable enemy of the tutionalists of the continent? Does our Monarch, and the Aristocracy. And constitution teach us to wage war it will never be obtained for the world against royalty and aristocracy, against by seditious, immoral newspapers, and religion and public morals? Or, does it the fanatic scurrilities and imprecations instruct us to reduce Kings and Nobles of such men as Brougham. When to ciphers, to fashion an unbridled the "Constitutionalists" return to their faction into the virtual Executive, and native dust, when their raving is no to make the democracy the one and all longer heard, and when the lower or- of the people? Away with such stupid ders follow their natural leaders in and vile delusions! Our constitutional matters above their knowledge, then creed is more abhorrent to that of these will be the era of liberty. It will be persons, than to the creed of absolute sought by the wealth, intelligence, governments. We stand between the wisdom, and honesty of mankind-by two extremes, but we are much nearer men whose characters will be a pledge to the one, than the other; we esteem that they are disinterested, that they a monarchy to be infinitely preferable seek general good alone, and that they to a republic, and we think a despotic are incapable of asking, what ought government to be far better than none not to be granted. They will be gui- at all. With the governing Constituded by public wants, and not abstract tionalists of France, and the Federaldoctrines-they will seek only what ists of America, we agree in many estheir respective countries may need-sential points of faith, but with the they will conciliate, instead of exaspe- Constitutionalists in question, we are rating their governments-they will fiercely at issue on foundation princiseek, not a change of rulers, but of insti- ples; and, in truth, they hate us quite tutions-they will endeavour to recover as cordially, as they hate any of their to Kings, Ministers, and Nobles, as well opponents whatever. The Whigs have as to peasants, their just rights-and joined them-have in reality placed they will convert the lower orders into themselves at their head, but, in doefficient allies, by making them more ing this, they have renounced British knowing, orderly, loyal, moral, and re- Constitutional principles, and have beligious-they will thus seek and they come the enemies of what at present will obtain. They will not obtain a constitutes British liberty. Let us, complete set of new rulers, and a huge therefore, carefully stand aloof from mass of strange institutions at once, the continental Constitutionalists.— but they will slowly add one thing Let us, whenever a nation is renderafter another to what already exists, ing itself free, or colonies are declauntil the fruits of their labours will ring themselves independent-instead be, national prosperity and happiness of merely bawling liberty, and chuck-the greatest expedient measure of ling over everything they do-bestir chartered, and the greatest possible ourselves to teach them right princimeasure of practical, liberty. ples, to put them into the proper path, and to assist them to convert their triumph into solid gain-into real li

In the meantime, let us be careful to avoid identifying ourselves with the

LETTERS OF TIMOTHY TICKLER, ESQ. TO EMINENT LITERARY CHARACTERS.

No, XIV.

To Francis Jeffrey, Esq.

ON THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW, &c.