tered the words charged. I think Mr. Granger either showed me or said there were affidavits of at least half a dozen respectable men, who were present at the sermon, and swore no such expressions were uttered, and as many equally respectable who swore the contrary. But the clergyman expressed his gratification at the dismission of the prosecution. I write all this from memory, and after too long an interval of time to be certain of the exactness of all the details; but I am sure there is no variation material, and Mr. Granger, correcting small laxes of memory, can confirm everything substantial. Certain it is that the prosecutions had been instituted, and had made considerable progress, without my knowledge; that they were disapproved of by me as soon as known, and directed to be discontinued. The attorney did it on the same ground on which I had acted myself in the cases of Duane, Callendar and others; to wit, that the sedition law was unconstitutional and null, and my obligation to execute what was law involved that of not suffering rights secured by valid laws to be prostrated by what was no law. I always understood that the prosecutions had been invited by judge Edwards, and the marshall, being republican, had summoned a grand jury partly or wholly republican; but that Mr. Huntington declared from the beginning against the jurisdiction of the court, and had determined to enter nolle prosequi before he received my directions."

In the year 1808, a pamphlet was published in Connecticut, under the title of "A LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, touching the prosecutions under his patronage before the circuit court in the district of Connecticut; containing a faithful narrative of the extraordinary measures pursued, and of the incidents, both serious and laughable, that occurred during the pendency of these abortive prosecutions." This publication was understood

at the time to have been written by a gentleman of the bar, of the highest respectability for talents and character, who, having been engaged as counsel in the prosecutions alluded to, was perfectly acquainted with their origin, progress and termination. The facts, and the dates which he gives, will enable any person to form an opinion respecting the truth of Mr. Jefferson's declarations to Mr. Nicholas respecting his want of knowledge of the exist ence of the cases, and of the time and manner of his first becoming acquainted with their having been instituted. The facts that the indictments for libels were found by the grand jury, the parties arrested, brought before the court and admitted to bail, the cases continued; that the indictments were quashed for insufficiency, renewed, continued and quashed again, or voluntarily withdrawn by the prosecuting attorney, were all matters of so much. notoriety, of such common conversation and of newspaper commentary, that if the subject had not been, as has been stated, brought before congress and made the subject of inquiry there, it would have been little short of marvelous if the knowedge of the existence of these prosecutions had not reached the ears of Mr. Jefferson.

The following is an extract from the editor's preface to Hampden's pamphlet:

"It is a subject of some regret that Hampden has not interwoven with his narrative a detailed statement of the measures taken by the president to prevent the witnesses summoned in Virginia, in the case of Mr. Backus, from attending the court, together with certain et ceteras connected therewith. This is a very curious history! It will be laid before the public." The reason is then stated, and the author of the preface proceeds to remark as follows,

"In one of the southern states, a few months since, I became acquainted with the gentleman who summoned

the several witnesses in Virginia; among whom were colonel Walker and Mr. Madison. This gentleman informed me that he saw and conversed freely with the former, and was assured by him that, painful as was the nature of the summons served on him, he should obey the mandate of the court, and must consequently testify to all the material facts alleged in the public prints respecting Mr. Jefferson's conduct towards his lady. He further stated to my informant, (what was previously understood to be the fact,) that Mr. Madison was the person confidentially employed by Mr. Jefferson to effect, if possible, a reconciliation for the insult, and was the bearer of several letters to him on the subject. Having summoned colonel Walker and two or three other witnesses, my informant proceeded to the seat of Mr. Madison with a subpœna for his attendance. But while there that gentleman received a letter from the president, a part of which letter he read, acquainting him, (Mr. M.) that, in case he should be subpœnaed his attendance would be unnecessary, as the indictment against Mr. Backus was to receive a quietus. The other witnesses summoned in Virginia were furnished with notifications of similar import, and consequently neither of them attended the court." This passage is cited for the purpose of adding strength to the presumption that Mr. Jefferson's declarations in his letter to Mr. Nicholas respecting these cases cannot be true.

CHAPTER XVI.

The Federalists believed Mr. Jefferson insincere and hypocritical— Professed great friendship for John Adams in a letter to Mrs. Adams, in 1804--In a letter to general Washington, in 1791, he charges Mr. Adams with apostacy to monarchy-The friendly intercourse between them not interrupted by this apostacy, but by Mr. Adams's appointments to office at the close of his administration-- Apparent that Jefferson had, upon coming into the secretary of state's office, laid his plan to place himself at the head of the government-Hamilton, being a more formidable obstacle to his ambition than Adams, became the object of peculiar animosity-Correspondence between general Washington and Jefferson and Hamilton, in August, 1792, respecting dissensions in the cabinet--Washington's letter to Jefferson-Letter to Hamilton-Mr. Jefferson's answer, September, 1792-Reasons for employing Freneau--Objections to the constitution, that it wanted a bill of rights, &c.--Says Hamilton's objection was, that it wanted a king and house of lords--Hamilton made great exertions in the formation and adoption of the constitution-Jefferson did nothing --Hamilton's answer to Washington's letter, August, 1792— Washington's confidence in Hamilton never shaken by Jefferson's attempts to that end-Jefferson never appealed to the country, as suggested in his letter.

ONE great objection that the federalists had to Mr. Jefferson was, that they believed him to be habitually insincere and hypocritical—that in his professions of esteem, respect and even friendship, for many individuals, he was deceitful and hollow-hearted-that his devotion to the people's rights was affected for the purpose of gaining popularity, and opening the way for the accomplishment of his future views of personal aggrandizement. Hence they viewed his affectation of a superior regard for republican

ism as designed to forward his plans for the establishment of a political party, for the purpose of gratifying his own ambitious feelings and projects. In pursuance of this general scheme of political selfishness, he had the assurance, in a sly and underhand manner, to charge his associates in the government, particularly Hamilton, Knox, and even Washington, with not only entertaining monarchical sentiments, but some of them with the adoption of measures intended eventually to change the form of the government and introduce a monarchy in its stead. In his correspondence towards the close of his life, it has been seen by extracts from his letters to Mrs. Adams, as well as to Mr. Adams himself, that he professed an old, long standing, cordial, and warm attachment to that gentleman—that a friendship which commenced in early life had been continued through all the trials and vicissitudes of their public career; and finally, when both were advanced to extreme old age, it glowed with all the fervor of youth.

In his letter to Mrs. Adams of June 18, 1804, which has been referred to in this work, and which contained the first overture for the renewal of their friendly intercourse, Mr. Jefferson says, "Mr. Adams's friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It accompanied us through long and important scenes. The different conclusions we had drawn from our political reading and reflections were not permit ted to lessen mutual esteem; each party being conscious they were the result of an honest conviction in the other." And he adds, I can say with truth, that one act of Mr. Adams's life, and one only, ever gave me a moment's personal displeasure." He then refers to the last appointments by Mr. Adams, just as his administration was coming to a close.

The letter from which these passages are copied, is dated, it will be recollected, in 1804. In a letter to general