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Concludes with a Remark on a Paper of his, intitled, A Difcourfe on Infidelity, fign'd SoCRATES (fee p.1071.) Whatever imaginary Deity he would be- A ftow on Virtue and Morality, in Oppofition to the Principle of Self-Love, he is actually efpoufing the Cause of Immorality, by deftroying the natural and genuine Principle by which alone it can fubfift.-If the Pleasure which each B Individual proposes to himself, in the doing a virtuous and friendly Action, be not the Motive upon which he acts, it's impoffible any Principle fhould be found in human Nature, upon which Morality can be fupported. It will therefore be incumbent on him to prove, that "the Concern which a friendly Man feels at the Misfortunes of one he has a Regard for, proceeds from any other Motive, than the Pleafure he propofes to himself of being freed from the Uneafinefs he feels on D Account of his Friend; and that the Relief he gives him is not acting upon the Principle of Self-Love: Since, if the Misfortunes of his Friend gave him no Uncasiness, he could have no Motive to relieve him."

To fay, that a benevolent Man and E a felfish Man are diftinct Characters, is faying nothing. They are indeed diftinct in the Estimation of Mankind, and in Nature too, while the benevolent Man's Uneafinefs is produced by the Regard he has for his Friends, and F the felfish Man's by the Regard he has for himself; but does this prove Self-Love is not the immediate Motive of both their Actions? Are they not both prompted to Action from fome Uneafiness, in the removing of which G a Good is propofed to each Individual? The Caufe of this Uneafinefs is not material. Socrates can't distinguish between the immediate Spring of moral Actions, which is the Defire of Good

founded upon Uneafiness, and that which produces this Uneafinefs. When he has thought of this, he will hardly burt his Head again in a Controversy, which, in the Manner he conducts it,

may be very injurious to his Patron, by weakening that Principle upon which alone be feems to have any Credit with any Part of Mankind, and even with Socrates himfelf.

London Journal, Jan. 6. No. 706. Of Tyranny, Anarchy, and Free Go

vernments.

Dolizers of Power have fo debauch'd

tions of human Nature, Morals, and Politicks, that fome celebrated Writers have fuppofed Mankind fo ill made, that they could not fubfift without Subjection to Power. Anarchy, or the State of Man without Government, they have reprefented as Chaos and Confufion; and a State of Nature, as a continual War of every Man against every Man. Thus human Nature, Truth, Juftice, and the Honour of God, are prostituted to the Support of arbitrary Power; altho' a State of Nature is infinitely preferable to Tyranny and arbitrary Power.

A State of Nature is, where every Man's allowed to do what he will with his own Person and Property, confiftent with otherMen's; and thofe common Rights are fo eafily difcerned, that the Indians live much better than Men under any Tyranny and arbitrary Government. Their Virtue and Happiness are owing to their being untaught by thofe whofe highest Interest it is to deceive

them.

The great Inequality of Property is the Source of almost all Murders, Robberies, and other Vices among ourfelves; which the wiser and happier Savages knowing nothing of, are blef fed with Security and Eafe: For, they naturally affent to that divine Truth, fufficient unto the Day is the Evil, and the Good thereof too; every Man provides for himself and his Offspring, Hand, invading no Man's Property, is invaded by no Man; and they are content to die as they live, not worth a Groat; when they have no Occafion for it, they have no Occafion for Go

Divine, are debauch'd as much in their
Religion as Morals: Publick Good, in
their Apprehenfion, is as little the
Measure of Government in the Uni-
verfe, as in the State. Omnipotence,
they think, would hardly be itfelf, was
it not at liberty to difpenfe with the B
Laws of Equity, and change at Plea-
fure the Standard of moral Restitude.

That Government only is just and

perfectly free, where there are no Laws

but what relate to the Security of

Perfon and Property; where the Sub- C

ject may do what he pleafes with his

Perfon and Property, confillently with

the Rights of others; and where there

is no Power but the Civil, where there

are no Laws but of a Civil Nature,

and thofe Laws the ftanding Measure D

of Government and Obedience; and

where there is also a dernier Refort, or

real Power left in the Community to

defend themselves against any Attack

on their Liberties.

Gesture, expreffing our Ideas and

Conceptions in the moft graceful and
intelligible Manner; and deferves the
clofeft Application of a Performer. By
this the Powers and Faculties of Na-
ture are taught to exert themselves in
a proper and becoming Manner. Sup-
pofe, for inftance, an Actor, by the
poetical Justice of an Author, is in the
fame Perfon and Play, obliged to per-
fonate the different Parts of a King
and a Begger. Before he can be Maf-
ter of the Action proper for each Per-
fonage, he muft lay down certain Prin-
ciples by which he is to govern him-
felf in the Representation: As thus:
He confiders that the Perfon of a King
is attended with Magnificence, Gran-
deur, and Majefty; his Speech wife,
grave, and folemn; his Deportment
ftately and majestick; and his Actions
great and heroic: But the fame Man
reduced to the calamitous Circumftan-
ces of a Begger, fpeaks, acts, and be-
haves in a Manner fuitable to fuch a
Condition. Thus, by a Propriety of
Gefture, the Actor will poffefs the ve-
ry Souls as well as the Eyes and Ears
of an Audience, and communicate to
them the fame Fury and Paffion by
which he himself is agitated. The
intelligent Actor confiders the Geftures
that are proper to exprefs that parti-
cular Species of Humour allotted him
by the Poet, enters upon it with a be-
coming Affurance, and performs it
with that Life and Energy, that our
G Eyes are apt to give our Knowledge the
Lie, and almost to perfwade us, that
that is real which we know to be Fic-
tion, Representation, and Nature at
fecond hand.

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pora-

poration and Teft Acts repealed; but
as they have only poftpon'd their Defigns
the Author thinks proper to give it a
Place.

ciple advanced in a Paper pretended to
be written by a Friend of his Majesty,
viz. That the People are the Foun-
A tain of all Power and Authority; (See
p. 950.) and then the Parliament being
the Reprefentatives of the People, all
Applications ought to be made to them.

THE Common Question in all Com-
panies is, Do the Diffenters go on with
their Defign of petitioning the Parlia-
ment for a Repeal of the Corporation
and Teft Alt?] For my Part, fays this
Writer, I could never think they had B
any fuch Defign. The Style of their
Refolutions and Writings fhew the con-
trary. For a Petition is always used in
the Nature of a Prayer, and the Sub-
ject Matter of a Prayer is fome Favour.
But the Diffenters openly declare, that
what they mean to apply for, is not
Matter of Favour, but of frict Justice.

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What Methods they intend to use
they beft know (tho' Hiftory is not filent
in this Point) but with respect to the
Ministry they speak plainly, that unless
they will do them Justice, they will op-
pofe them at the next Election for
Members of Parliament. This is de-
clar'd by way of Menace; as thinking
their Interest of fuch Confequence,
that the Miniftry dares, not difoblige
them. By thefe moderate Measures the E
Conftitution was over-turned in the
Reign of K. Charles I.

They would be thought to have a
particular Regard for his Majesty's Per-
Jon, and Affection for his Government.
But they manifeftly flight his Majefty's
Perfon, and fhew more Attachment to
their own Intereft than bis. In all their
late Meetings, and Pamphlets, no No-
tice is taken of the King; no Talk of
addreffing his Majesty, tho' this is a
Point which immediately affects his
Majefty's Safety, as well as the In-
tereft of the Nation; especially in mat-
ters of Religion, where the Supremacy
of the King is more peculiarly con-
cerned; and highly fitting it was, in
Reason and Decency, they fhould first
have refolved upon addreffing his Ma-
jefty concerning the Qualification of
his own Servants, on whofe Integrity
and Abilities fo much depends. But
their Conduct is agreeable to that Prin-

An uncommon Zeal for the Honour of
Religion is another of their Pretences.
For fome Time they have been all fi-
lent about the Repeal, and now many
of them think it an improper Time
Why? Their Pamphlets affign Rea-
fons of Policy. If, as they affirm, the
making the Sacrament a Teft, is pro-
faning and perverting the most folemn
Act of Chriftian Worfhip, the Repeal
of it ought not to be deferred upon any
Confideration, because finful in itself.
It has been justly observed by the Au-
thor of the Dispute adjufted, That they
offer'd a Claufe a little after the Revi
lution, that the receiving the Sacrament
in their own Meetings should be a Quali-
fication; as if the Place occafion'd any
Alteration in the Action.

We have lived with them inoffen-
fively for many Years; they have en-'
joyed their Opinions, and the Profef-
fion of them uninterrupted and unen-
vied; even the Liberty of voting in
Elections for our Preachers; which is
a greater Inftance of our Moderation.
than of their Modefty. From His Ma-
Fjefly they have met with as much
Grace and Favour as is confiftent with
our Conftitution; from our Conftitu-
tion as much Indulgence as the Legi
lature thought fafe to grant them :
Yet fo far are they from being thankful,
that they accufe the Legiflature of Of
preffion; the Bifhops and Clergy of
Tyrannical Pride and Ambition; the
whole Communion with the Want of
the Spirit of Religion, Honour, and
Liberty; the whole World, who think
Establishments and Difqualifications
lawful, of Bigotry and Self-Intereft.
If by fober Argument they can fhew
the Unlawfulness of all Difqualificati-
ons, or this particular Teft, let them do
it; they have tried heretofore and were

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I fuppofe, fays D'anvers, it will not be denied that we have at present the finest Navy, and the braveft Seamen in the World; and I hope the former will not be suffer'd to decline, nor the latter by being difcourag'd or ill Ulage be forc'd into foreign Service. But the common Method of Manning our Fleets by Impreffing, I am perfwaded, is inconfiftent with Magna Charta, the E Rights of Englishmen, and of pernicious Confequence to Trade.

Whilft we are able to keep up fuch a naval Power, we fhall eafily maintain the Sovereignty of the Seas, and fafely defpife any Attempts from Abroad.

F

But Mr Walsingham fays there can be no abfolute Dependance on a naval Force, to oppofe or defeat an Invafion; fee p. 652. Vol. II.] Nobody can be ignorant that the neceffary Preparations for fuch an Enterprize take up a- G great deal of Time, and require fuch a Number of Ships, that all Europe must be afleep, if it should pafs unobferved. The Spanish Armada confifted but of 18,000 Men; and K. William brought but 14,000 in 6 or 700 Ships; fo that nothing but the most egregious Indolence can expofe us to fuch an Attempt, without fome Warning and Time for Defence. This was the Cafe

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of the late K. James, who paid no Regard to the repeated Advices from France, concerning the Pr. of Orange's Designs, till the Prince declared it himfelf, and was ready to fet Sail.

As to K. James's Fleet lying Windbound in the Mouth of the Thames, when the Pr. of Orange fail'd by, its doubted whether our Deliverer was not as much obliged to the Affections of the Officers and Seamen, who compos'd that Fleet, as to the Winds.

But granting that some foreign Power in the Interest of the Pretender should conjure up a great naval Armament on a Sudden, and steal it into England in a dark Night, or by a favourable Wind, what are they to do?

"The Cafe then is thus, fays Mr Trenchard, that 20,000 Men, of which few can be Horse, are landed in EngLand, without any human Probability of being fupply'd from Abroad. This Army thall never march 20 Miles into the Country; for they cannot put themselves in a marching Pofture in lets than a Fortnight or 3 Weeks, by which Time we may have 100,000 Militia drawn down upon them; whereof 10,000 fhall be Horfe, and as ma ny Dragoons as we pleafe; and if this Militia does nothing but drive the Country, cut off their Foragers, and intercept Provifions, their Army mult be deftroy'd in a fhort Time."

If then our Militia is back'd only with 5 or 6000 regular Troops, what Danger can we apprehend from an Invafion - This was the Opinion of the late D. of Marlborough, who declared he would undertake to defeat any Body of Men, which could be poifibly landed on us by Surprize, with only his own Regiment of Guards, two or three of Dragoons, and fuch a Train of Artillery as he could easily draw out whereas they could not bring any with them of Confequence; nor ftand long, having no fortify'd Towns to fecure themselves.

The Succefs of the Revolution was entirely owing to the Dilaffection

fpread

fpread amongst all Ranks and Degrees of People.

Militia are the natural, ftrongeft and most proper Defence of free Countries; and were always rely'd upon in Eng- A land, till the Reign of K. Charles II.

Sir Robert Cotton, in his Advice to

K. Charles I. lets him know how the
People refented his keeping up an Army
in the Winter; tho' we were then in
War both with France and Spain.

When the D. of Alençon came to the Court of Q. Elizabeth, and for fome Time had admir'd the Riches of the City, the Conduct of her Governpent, and the Magnificence of her Court, he ask'd her, amidst fo much Splendour, where were her Guards ? Pointing to the People, (who received her in Crouds with repeated Acclamations) Thefe faid fhe, my Lord, are my Guards. Thefe have their Hands, Hearts, and Purfes always at my Command.

To this it has been objected by the Hon. Gentleman and his Advocates, that the Circumftances of Affairs in Europe are entirely alter'd in this Respect.

This Alteration took Place when most of the free States of Europe were converted into abfolute Monarchies. Yet ftill in Holland and other free States the inland Towns are defended by their Militia and Burghers only.

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The Difficulty is, in getting them disbanded, as Mr Gay obferves:

Soldiers are perfect Devils in their Way, [lay
When once they're rais'd, they're cursed hard to
The Daily Courant, Jan. 9.

Remarks on the Craftsman..

THE Inconfiftency of the Craftfman may be eafily evinced, if we only compare his Journal of the 15th of April laft (fee p. 701) with the foregoing of the 6th Inftant.

prove,

Suppofing, as he affirms, that the Militia were the only Forces made use of in the Wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster; how does this that our Ancestors relied wholly on the Militia against an Invafion of foreign regular Troops? Or, fuppofing the Militia in thofe Days, os even in the Reign of Q. Elizabeth, were to be relied on against a foreign Invafion, will the Craftsman affert, that the Militia of thefe Days, (who, he acknowledges, are good for nothing but cramming their Guts) equals in Bravery the Militia in thofe Reigns ?

But, fays he, nothing can be more abfurd than to fuppofe that the Militia can't be made useful; yet complains, that it's in vain to propose any Scheme of this Kind, whilft no Pains are fpared to make the Militia contemptible; tho' in the Paragraph juft before, he had himself called them F«Men fit for no Service, befides cramming their Guts at the Expence of their induftrious Fellow-Subjects.

I would not be thought to mean, adds D'anvers, that our Militia are fit to defend our Country or indeed for any Thing, befides furnishing the Town with a ridiculous Diverfion, and cramming their Guts at the Expence of their Industrious Fellow-Subjects. For this Reason they are laid afide every where G but in Middlefex. See p. 208. Vol. I.

But it's abfurd to fuppofe that the Militia cannot be made ufeful.-From whence is our present Army rais'd but from the Budy of the People? Do's clapping a red Coat upon a Man's Back H make him a Soldier? May not a great Part of the prefent Army when difbanded be incorporated into the Militia?

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Mr Trenchard is his great Oracle. In the Quotation which Mr D'anvers takes from him, two Things are to be obferved;-one, that Mr Trenchard fupposes 20,000 regular Forces may be landed upon us in a dark Night; the other, that the 100,000 Militia are not fuppofed to have been made useful, but Men fit for no Service but cramming their Guts: With which, no doubt, the Nation would be better pleafed than 18,000 regular Forces. For, fuppofe thefe 20,coo regular Forces landed in Scotland, what is to be done? Draw

down,

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