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Seite 140
... and change of state ( e.g. Dowty 1979 , Levin & Rapoport 1988 , among many others ) . For instance , the meaning of causative verbs like break involves complex event structures with semantic primitives like CAUSE and BECOME .
... and change of state ( e.g. Dowty 1979 , Levin & Rapoport 1988 , among many others ) . For instance , the meaning of causative verbs like break involves complex event structures with semantic primitives like CAUSE and BECOME .
Seite 156
Thus , its semantics would also be more complex than the semantics of the result head realized by -kan . The suffix -kan is the realization of a simple result head that expresses a causal relation between two eventualities .
Thus , its semantics would also be more complex than the semantics of the result head realized by -kan . The suffix -kan is the realization of a simple result head that expresses a causal relation between two eventualities .
Seite 350
The highly articulated functional structure in 1 is challenging in two major respects : ( i ) in simple examples like hippos , it is not immediately clear how all those open values are assigned range , and ( ii ) in certain complex ...
The highly articulated functional structure in 1 is challenging in two major respects : ( i ) in simple examples like hippos , it is not immediately clear how all those open values are assigned range , and ( ii ) in certain complex ...
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