were the defender of Brandreth, the rebel and murderer, not merely by giving him the benefit of the law, but by all popular topics, no doubt upon the principle that a lawyer is only to consider his client, though he may ruin the country. He laughed, but had nothing to say.

I found the House full, every body on the stretch with expectation. The Long Gallery was crowded with members of the House of Commons, who conferred in groups according to their parties, hopes, and wishes. All expected the third reading to be carried, but by what majority was the constant question. This varied, as word was brought how different Lds. had spoken. The Bishop of Gloucester (Ryder, Ld. Harrowby's brother) made a fair and manly speech. He said he felt bound to vote against the Bill, but not to shrink from expressing his opinion upon the main and real question, the guilt or innocence of the Queen, and, after having given a most painful attention to the evidence, he felt obliged to pronounce her guilty. If, therefore, he voted against the punishment of that guilt, it was solely on account of the Divorce clause being left in, which he could not on religious principles approve or support. Creevy, the most bitter of all the mountain, observed to Tierney, by whom I was standing, that his speech was admirable. He did not like the Bp. of Chester (Law) so well. He also disapproved the Divorce clause and therefore would not vote for the Bill; but he would not vote against it. He said his conviction was perfect that

the Queen was guilty. If, as she had protested before her Maker, she was innocent, never in the world had innocence been so accompanied with corroborations of guilt. He had heard with abhorrence his Sovereign compared with the most sanguinary tyrant of antiquity, that Sovereign whose annals, when Regent, would compare with the best and most glorious periods of our history. He had heard with shame a declaration from another peer (Grosvenor) that he would have thrown the Liturgy in the King's face. All this made him regret the more that he could not vote for the Bill, but determined him not to give it any impediment, he therefore should give no vote at all.

Standing by the throne with Tierney, he told me there was a talk that the Bill was not to be pressed, and it was supposed would be withdrawn either at or after the third reading, and asked me if it was true. I told him I should be glad if it was. Creevy, Wilson (Sir Robert), and other Radicals were all eager upon it, but I did not, and indeed could not, satisfy them; rather hoping than being sure of it myself. I said that perhaps, from the number that had spoken against it, the third reading itself would not pass. They held that to be impossible, but Tierney said that Ld. Harrowby could not possibly remain in the Cabinet, and offered to lay a wager he was that moment out or would be to-morrow. He was bound to go. I asked, Why any more than Canning? He replied

that C. had tendered his resignation, only it was not accepted. I asked, And why not Ld. Harrowby? which silenced him. Reverting to the debate, he said the third reading must be pushed to a vote. I replied, Yes; for the sake of consistency; it is impossible to abandon it after all that had been done. I do not count much upon their consistency, observed he, laughing, but for the sake of escaping in another quarter, meaning the King. If it is lost, however, or withdrawn, continued Tierney, there must be a change. Then, as if recollecting himself, he added, I do not mean a general change, but Ministers cannot remain as they are, but Lds. Liverpool and Harrowby must go out. I said with the confidence I felt, You will find yourself mistaken. Maberley, who had betted high that Ld. Liverpool would not be Minister when the Commons met again on the 23rd, came up at this instant, and Tierney said, You will win your wager. I offered to add to it, but M. declined. The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their conviction that the Q. was guilty.. At length the division was called, and Ld. Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer should give his vote in his place seriatim. The result was the small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Ld. Liverpool then got up and withdrew the Bill; resting it upon so small a majority in the circumstances of the country. This seemed a

confession that Radicalism had triumphed by the threats and clamour out of doors, and so far is melancholy. But it is the wisest thing that could be done. There was some cheering, but chiefly if not entirely by Opposition. It is not true, as reported, that there was a general acclamation, or that there was cheering from the Ministerialists. On the contrary, the Duke of Montrose protested against the abandonment on his legs, and the D. of Northumberland and Ld. Sheffield in a protest in form. This example will probably be followed if there is time, but as we shall probably be prorogued on the 23rd (before any business can be done), there will not be time. As might be expected there was much sensation in the House, and Ld. Grey got up,

but the interest was all split and diverted, and he was little minded; all were speculating upon the probable event what was to happen next, and what done with the Queen. Creevy said to me it was most wise conduct, and affected to deplore that now the Bill should come to our House. I replied, I should have thought you would have liked it; you would have had such a glorious opportunity to abuse Ministers. To-day's result will have spoiled your sport. Sport! said he; it is no sport to me to abuse the Government when the country is so much endangered. Brougham sent off immediately to inform the Queen, who was in an adjoining room, and he and others seemed to rest much upon the majority of nine being the exact

number of the Cabinet Ministers who are peers, inferring that their votes should go for nothing, and if they were abstracted the numbers would have been equal. The inference is false, for there are at least as many voices on the other side to the full as much interested as the Ministers, viz., all those who want to get into their places. But the fact itself is also false, for Ld. Harrowby was not there, so all the fine thought is lost. Several Lds. on each side did not vote who had voted before, twenty-one in number. Ld. Lonsdale was confined by illness, and Ld. Harewood had retreated to Yorkshire from the time of his memorable speech.*

Finding Tierney in the Long Gallery amid a crowd of speculators, he said again he would bet anything Ld. Liverpool would go out. I offered to take him to any small amount not exceeding twenty guineas. He drew in from the bet, though not from his opinion, saying it would not be proper for his name to be coupled with a bet on such a subject, in which he was right.

At a board with the Duke, who came from the House; I saw by his manner he was in high good humour, and after business he motioned me to go down stairs with him, where Arbuthnot was waiting for him. Well, said he, we have done exceedingly well, and have avoided all sort of mischief, I

* He had in this intimated a wish that, without proceeding further with the bill, the evidence should be allowed to operate on the good sense of the country.