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another body. Happily it is no easy thing to change a people's religion by Act of Parliament. Wherever the

exercise of reason, and the study of Scripture are neglected, there remain sentiments, perhaps prejudices, which are too deeply sown to be raked out by any legal instrument, however sharp and close-set its teeth may be. Human conscience, whether rude and ill-informed, or disciplined and wise, always hates all tools of state husbandry employed for such ends. Accordingly, a good many people in England, when its rulers would force them into a new form of worship, deliberately and resolutely rebelled, some having to endure a considerable amount of suffering for conscience' sake.1

The Scotch soon began to lament the inefficacy of the new enactment. They complained that the Prayer Book was still used in some parts of England, where Parliament had undisputed authority; and, of course, in a kingdom which was cut up into two hostile camps, where Royalism remained in the ascendancy, the Liturgy would continue to be honoured, and the Directory would be disused. Errors, heresies, and schism were also deplored as still prevalent, by the brethren from the north, who watched with pious zeal all that was going forward on this side the Tweed, and were greatly distressed at the tardy

The following should be recorded

66

to Whitelocke's credit. 1646. Oct. 26. Indictment in Bucks for not reading the Common Prayer complained of. Ordered that an ordinance be brought in to take away the statute that enjoins it, and to disable malignant ministers from preaching. This was much opposed by me and some others, as contrary to that principle which the Parliament had avowed of liberty of conscience, and like that former way

complained of against the bishops for silencing of ministers."-Memorials, 226. The diarist here shews that the use of the Prayer Book was not considered by the Royalists to be legally abolished.

I may here add that Whitelocke was not a party man. He sympathized with Presbyterian leaders in wishing to save the monarchy, but he co-operated with Independents in advocating religious liberty.

progress of ecclesiastical reform, and at the little enthusiasm which was enkindled by the Covenant. In Ireland, the Directory met with an adverse fate. The bishops and clergy of Dublin in particular remained loyal to the Prayer Book. They pleaded their ordination vows, the oath of supremacy, the Act of Uniformity, the communion of the two Churches of England and Ireland in the bond of Common Prayer, the legality of its use, the freedom of the Church, and the attachment to the Liturgy cherished by the people. The Bishop of Killaloe, and several other dignitaries, signed a protest, and whatever opinions may be formed of their arguments, posterity will do honour to their conscientiousness. This was in 1647. Some persons continued, in spite of Parliamentary orders, to use the Prayer Book. The last instance of its being publicly read in Dublin occurred when the aged and venerable Archbishop Bulkeley delivered to his clergy a valedictory discourse in St. Patrick's Cathedral.1

In connection with the Directory, notice should be taken of certain forms of devotion which were published for the use of seamen. A book of that period exists, without date, entitled "A Supply of Prayer for the Ships, that want Ministers to pray with them." The preface states that there were thousands of ships without any ministers, and that the crews, therefore, either neglected religion altogether or used the Book of Common Prayer. What is glanced at as a matter of necessity might perhaps in some cases be matter of preference. Alderman Garroway, in his speech at Guildhall, it will be remembered, spoke of sailors as being fond of the old liturgy; and such sailors must have remained in the fleet even

'Mant's History of the Church of Ireland, i. 587–594.

after the Presbyterian Earl of Warwick had become Lord High Admiral. Though the navy, as far as rulers were concerned, might be called Presbyterian, numbers of the men would feel no attachments in that direction. At all events, to avoid inconvenience, it was thought fit to frame prayers for the navy, "agreeing with the Directory established by Parliament." By whom the work was done we do not know, but clearly the spirit of it is Presbyterian. "Heal our rents and divisions," and " preserve us from breach of our solemn Covenant," are expressions found amongst its petitions. Eschewing the Apocrypha, it prescribes psalms and chapters from the Old and New Testament. Forms of devotion are given, rather as specimens and guides than anything else. "The company being assembled, they may thus begin with prayer," are the cautious words employed by the sturdy opponents of ritualism.1

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CHAPTER XVIII.

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ROPOSALS were still going on for a Treaty of Peace between the King and the Parliament. His Majesty, from what he heard of dissensions in the popular party, felt encouraged to hope for favourable terms. had also an idea that the House of Peers, and some in the Commons, really wished for a reconciliation.1 Laud's trial was at the time in progress, and the sympathies of the Royalists, of course, were with the prisoner. Accordingly, overtures were forwarded from Oxford to Westminster, and, in return, Commissioners were despatched from Westminster to Oxford.2 Their treatment, however, on reaching the latter city, was not such as to inspire much hope of a prosperous issue. The people reviled them as traitors, rogues, and rebels, and threw stones into their coaches as they rode to the quarters appointed for their entertainment at "the sign of the 'Catherine Wheel,' next St. John's College"-" a mean inn," as Whitelocke describes it, only a "little above the

1 Clarendon's Hist.. 515.

2 While the Oxford Lords were in London on the embassy, there was, according to the Diurnal, entitled Perfect Occurrences, December 28, a great auditory to hear the chaplain preach and read prayers.

After the sermon, it is said, the people were very merry, and a young lady and gentleman went dancing by the river side, and fell in-"good for them to cool their courage in frosty weather."

degree of an ale-house."1 The conduct of Charles in sending a sealed reply telling the Commissioners they were to carry what he pleased to place in their hands, although it should be but the Song of Robin Hood and Little John, certainly did not tend to an amicable adjustment of affairs; and his duplicity in calling the Lords and Commons at Westminster a Parliament, whilst he entered upon record in his council book that the calling them so did not imply that they were such, proves that his only object was to pacify his opponents for a time, that he might do what he liked with them whenever they should be again within his power.2

At length, the preliminaries of a treaty were arranged, and a meeting was fixed to take place in the town of Uxbridge in the month of January, 1645. The propositions of Parliament related to religion, the militia, and Ireland; and the Commissioners were instructed to stipulate that the subject of religion should be considered first, on the ground of its supreme importance. 3 When they assembled, the town, selected as the theatre of their negotiations, was divided into two parts; the north side of the main street being allotted to the Parliamentarians, the south side to the Royalists. So crowded was every corner of the place, that some of the distinguished personages were, as Whitelocke informs us, "forced to lie, two of them in a chamber together in field beds, only upon a quilt, in that cold weather, not coming into a bed during all the treaty.' 4 The house chosen as most convenient for deliberation was Sir John Bennet's residence, a picturesque building at the west end,

1 Whitelocke, 112. The entire propositions for peace may be seen in Parl. Hist., iii. 299.

2 King's Cabinet opened.-Neal, iii. 250.

3 Parl. Hist., iii. 339.

Memorials, 127.

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