Richard Cromwell proclaimed Protector-General calm upon his succession to power-Funeral of Oliver Cromwell-A Parliament called-Different Constitution of Parliament-Conflicts between the Republican leaders and the majority-Demands of the Army-Richard Cromwell yields to their pretensions-He is compelled by the Officers to dissolve the Parliament-End of the Protectorate-Assembly of the Long Parliament-Resolutions that the Military power should be under the Civil-Discussions as to the form of Government-The Rota Club-Disunion of Parties-Royalist insurrection-Sir George Booth defeated by Lambert-Petitions of the Officers-The Parliament, subjected to the Army, ceases to sit-Committee of Safety-Monk in Scotland-Resolves to restore the Parliament-Lambert sent against Monk-The Parliament restored by the Council of OfficersMonk marches to London-Movements of the Royalists-Disaffection in the City, which Monk is ordered to suppress-His demand that a Parliament shall be called-Popular exultation-Monk restores the secluded Members-The measures of the Parliamentary majority-Charles's Court-The Long Parliament finally dissolved-Monk agrees to act for Charles-Lambert's insurrection-Meeting of the New Parliament-The King's Letter-Debates on the Bill of Indemnity-Charles the Second proclaimed-He lands at Dover-His entry into London.

THE death of Oliver Cromwell was followed by no popular agitationscarcely by any immediate demonstration of party dissensions. The Council was summoned. Evidence was given of the verbal declaration of the Protector that his son Richard should be his successor. Fleetwood, the lieutenant-general of the army, was thought by some to have been nominated to

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RICHARD CROMWELL PROCLAIMED PROTECTOR.

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the succession in the paper which could not be discovered; but he gave his pledge to respect the appointment of Richard. On the 4th of September the new Protector was solemnly proclaimed; and he took the oath contained in the Instrument of Government. The ready acceptance by the nation of the son of the late ruler offers a proof that, during the contests of the Protectorate, its power had been gradually consolidating; and that the great name of the Protector remained as a shield for the weakness of his son. Richard was weak in all the essential qualities necessary for preserving an authority as legitimate not recognised by many. Mrs. Hutchinson describes him as "a peasant in his nature, yet gentle and virtuous, but became not greatness." If, yielding to the flattering idea of hereditary succession, his father had really nominated him, that nomination must have been against his own previous convictions of his eldest son's unfitness for government. On the contrary, his son Henry had displayed very high qualities as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He had shown firmness with conciliation; he had kept the land at peace and in subjection to the laws. Yet the accession of Richard Cromwell, if it excited no confidence in the people, produced no distrust. They saw quiet and unambitious young man quietly take his father's seat, they scarcely thought that the mild indifference of authority may be more dangerous than its severe watchfulness. Abroad, the royalists were vexed and surprised at the calm in England. Hyde thought there would be great changes: "I cannot believe," he writes, "that all will submit to the government of this young coxcomb." Henrietta Maria, however, doubted whether any great advantages could accrue from "the death of that wretch," as she writes to Madame de Motteville. Three months after that important event, Hyde almost lost heart: "We have not yet found that advantage by Cromwell's death as we reasonably hoped; nay, rather, we are the worse for it, and the less esteemed, people imagining by the great calm that has followed that the nation is united, and that the king has very few friends.” Foreign governments readily gave their adherence to the Commonwealth. The Court of France put on mourning to do honour to Oliver's memory. Nevertheless, "the great calm" was gradually becoming disturbed. Within six weeks of his accession, a body of officers, headed by Fleetwood, presented a petition to Richard for such organic changes in the military constitution as would have placed all control of the army out of his hand. He mildly but firmly refused his assent, as contrary to the "Petition and Advice on which the Protectorate was founded. Henry Cromwell saw the coming danger; and wrote to his brother, "I thought those whom my father had raised from nothing would not so soon have forgot him, and endeavour to destroy his family before he is in his grave." Richard was not only harassed by the ambition of the officers, but had to encounter the greatest peril of governments, financial difficulties. His father had left no wealth-contrary

to the belief of most persons. He had higher thoughts than those of making his family rich. Richard was soon embarrassed, the more so as the pompous funeral of the late Protector absorbed all his immediate resources, and left him greatly in debt. That funeral was deferred till the 23rd of November. The preparations for this public solemnity were upon an extravagant scale, utterly unsuited to the simple grandeur which the Protector had affected in his life-time. Evelyn has briefly described this

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MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

[1659.

ceremonial: "Saw the superb funeral of the Protector. He was carried from Somerset House on a velvet bed of state, drawn by six horses, housed with the same; the pall held by his new Lords; Oliver lying in effigy, in royal robes, and crowned with a crown, sceptre, and globe, like a king. The pendants and guidons were carried by the officers of the army; the imperial banners, achievements, &c., by the heralds in their coats; a rich caparisoned horse, embroidered all over with gold; a knight of honour armed cap-a-pied; and, after all, his guards, soldiers, and innumerable mourners." Evelyn adds, "in this equipage they proceeded to Westminster: but it was the joyfullest funeral I ever saw; for there were none that cried but dogs, which the soldiers hooted away with a barbarous noise, drinking and taking tobacco in the streets as they went." Ludlow, speaking with similar contempt of this pageantry, says, of the lying in state, "This folly and profusion so far provoked the people, that they threw dirt in the night on his escutcheon that was placed over the great gate of Somerset House."

In the middle of November, Thurloe wrote to Henry Cromwell that when the funeral was over the Council would begin business, "if troubles do not begin before." The Council met on the 29th and resolved on calling a Parliament. It was not to be such a Parliament as Oliver had called. The old Representative system was to be restored. Small and decayed Boroughs, which had been disfranchised, were again to elect burgesses. Commercial towns, such as Manchester, which had grown into importance, were again to cease to have members. The loss of ancient privileges by petty communities had given more offence than the gain of new franchises by large sections of the people had afforded satisfaction. The government strove as much as possible to exclude the Republicans from Parliament; but it was not successful to a great extent. Many in the service of the government obtained seats. The Royalists influenced many of the elections, but few declared Royalists offered themselves as candidates. The Parliament, which met on the 29th of January, appeared to contain more moderate men than violent partisans. There was nothing in its composition to indicate that the Protectorate would become insecure through legislative action. The Lords, or Upper House, were summoned by the Protector's writ, as the Lords of Oliver had been summoned. The members of both Houses were required to take the oath to the government. Some few

Richard B

Richard, Protector. From a Patent in Landsdowne MS.

republicans refused, and did not take their seats. Ludlow, and probably others, evaded the oath; and, after some dispute, were permitted to sit. The passions of various factions soon manifested themselves. A bill having been

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HOSTILITY OF THE ARMY.

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proposed "for a recognition of the Protector," no dislike was exhibited towards Richard Cromwell. On the contrary, even the strong Republicans spoke kindly of him: "If you think of a Single Person, I would have him sooner than any man alive," said Scott,-one of the most violent against the late Protector. But the Republicans came back to their old assertion of the right of Parliament alone to exercise the government, as it had been exercised before the dissolution of the Long Parliament. By that action, said Vane, they lost their possession, not their right. "The chief magistrate's place was assumed without a law." It was dangerous to confess a title in being that was not of their own giving, maintained Vane. After long and violent debates, the Bill for the recognition of the Protector was passed. The Royalists looked on rejoicingly at these conflicts; believing that they would end in confusion. There was still greater disagreement when the question came to be debated, whether there should be two Houses. The Commons voted that the Parliament should consist of two Houses; but then proceeded to discuss the bounds and powers of the other House. After weeks of debate, it was resolved, by a considerable majority, that the House would treat with the persons now sitting in the other House, as a House of Parliament; and that such Peers as had been faithful to the Parliament might be summoned to serve as Members of that House. The Republicans and the Royalists were beaten.

But, however triumphant at Westminster, as to these material points, there was a power yet unpropitiated, which Oliver could control, but which was wholly unmanageable by the gentle hand of Richard. Soon after his accession he said to the officers who came to him with a petition, "It is my disadvantage that I have been so little amongst you, and am no better known to you." He now began to feel how great was this disadvantage. There were some regiments, commanded by his friends, of whose fidelity the young Protector had no doubt. The armies of Scotland and Ireland were equally faithful. But the violent sectarian soldiers disliked his moderation. He was threatened by Desborough that the army would desert him if he attempted to conciliate the Royalists. It was objected against him that he preferred others beside "the godly." The Parliament and the Army were secret antagonists. Their mutual hostility soon became manifest. Looking merely at their legislative influence, it was no serious evil that the most signal strokes of the policy of the late Protector had been condemned by the few Republican members; that they reprobated the peace with the Dutch; the alliance with France; the war with Spain. They were insensible to the real triumphs of Oliver; they were indifferent to the high position in which he had placed his country amongst the nations. They made no allowance for the difficulties he had experienced in restraining contending factions at the least expenditure of blood. They hated the participation of one Single Person in the power of a Parliament; and that hatred made them little careful to avoid the old strifes. But there was serious danger when the Army fell in with this humour; and saw, with jealousy, a majority of the Parliament inclined to peace and moderation. Richard indiscreetly consented to the appointment of a general Council of Officers. Five hundred assembled at Wallingford House. A violent test was proposed, which was indeed laid aside, but they came to resolutions which aimed at separating the command of the Army from the Civil Power. The Parliament soon saw its danger. A member, lord Falkland, said, "You

220 THE PROTECTOR COMPELLED TO DISSOLVE THE PARLIAMENT. [1659. have been a long time talking of three Estates; there is a fourth which, if not well looked-to, will turn us all out of doors." The House of Commons then voted that no general Council of Officers should be held without permission of the Protector and the Parliament; and that every officer should sign an engagement that he would not disturb the free meetings or proceedings of Parliament. Richard was urged to be firm. He went amongst the officers at Wallingford House; and told them that he would see their complaints righted in Parliament, but that he dissolved their Council. The Council obstinately continued to sit. Those officers who were devoted to the Protector urged him to adopt some strong measure. Richard shrank from the responsibility: "I have never done anybody any harm," he exclaimed, "and I never will: I will not have a drop of blood spilt for the preservation of my greatness, which is a burden to me." Broghill, and Howard, and other faithful friends, saw that one course alone was possible to avert military despotism or anarchy-to restore the legitimate king. Richard himself was solicited to assist in this object; but he refused to forsake the cause to which he was committed. It was soon manifest that the power of the Protector was coming to an end. His brother-in-law Fleetwood, his relative Desborough, deserted him. The few officers who were faithful were abandoned by their men. Desborough came from St. James's to Whitehall -from St. James's, where the whole army was ordered to rendezvous, to Whitehall, where Richard had been deserted by his own guards-and demanded that the Parliament should be dissolved. Richard at length

yielded, making it a condition that he should not be required to dissolve the House in person. An ordinance was issued, which Fiennes, as Commissioner of the Great Seal, was ordered to communicate to Parliament. On the 22nd of April the Commons were summoned to the Upper House. Very few went.