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returned with incredible joy; animated by the love of their country, natural to all men, and almost as much by their hatred to the Spartans, which the length of time had only increased. They built themselves a city, which, from the ancient name was called Messene. Among the bad events of this war, none gave the Lacedæmonians more sensible displeasure, or rather more lively grief; because from time immemorial an irreconcileable enmity had subsisted between Sparta and Messene, which seemed incapable of being extinguished but by the final ruin of the one or the other.*

Polybius reflects upon an ancient error in the conduct of the Messenians with regard to Sparta, which was the cause of all their misfortunes. This was their too great solicitude for the present tranquillity, and through an excessive love of peace, their neglecting the means of making it sure and lasting. Two of the most powerful states of Greece were their neighbours, the Arcadians and Lacedæmonians. The latter, from their first settlement in the country, had declared open war against them: the others, on the contrary, always joined with them, and entered into all their interests. But the Messenians had neither the courage to oppose their violent and irreconcileable enemies with valour and constancy, nor the prudence to treat with due regard their faithful and affectionate allies. When the two states were either at war with each other, or carried their arms elsewhere, the Messenians, little provident for the future, and regarding only their present repose made it a rule never to engage in the quarrel on either side, and to observe an exac neutrality. In such conjunctures they congratulated themselves upon their wisdom and success in preserving their tranquillity, while their neighbours around them were involved in trouble and confusion. But this tranquillity was of no long duration. The Lacedæmonians, having subdued their enemies, fell upon them with all their forces; and finding them unsupported by allies, and incapable of defending themselves, they reduced them to submit, either to the yoke of a rigid slavery, or to banish themselves from their country. And this was several times their case. They ought to have reflected, says Polybius, that as there is nothing more desirable or advantageous than peace, when founded in justice and honour, so there is nothing more shameful, and at the same time more pernicious, when attained by bad measures, and purchased at the price of liberty.‡

SECTION V. THE TWO THEBAN GENERALS, AT THEIR RETURN, ARE ACCUSED AND ABSOLVED. SPARTA IMPLORES AID OF ATHENS.

It might be expected, that the two Theban captains, on their return to their country after such memorable actions, should have been received with general applause, and all the honours that could be conferred upon them. Instead of which they were both summoned to answer as criminals against the state, for having, contrary to the law, whereby they were obliged to resign their command to new officers, retained it four months beyond the appointed term; during which they had performed in Messenia, Arcadia, and Laconia, all those great things we have related.

A behaviour of this kind is surprising; and the relation of it cannot be read without a secret indignation: but such a conduct had a very plausible founda tion. The zealous assertors of a liberty lately regained, were apprehensive that the example might prove very pernicious, in authorising some future magistrate to maintain himself in command beyond the established term, and in consequence to turn his arms against his country. It is not to be doubted but the Romans would have acted in the same manner; and if they were so severe as to put an officer to death, though victorious, for giving battle without his general's orders, how would they have behaved to a general, who should have Continued four months in the supreme command, contrary to the laws, and upon his own authority?

Paus. l. iv. p. 267, 268.

Η Ειρήνη γαρ, μετά μεν το δικαιο και πρέποντος, καλλιστον εστι κτημα και λυσιτελεί τατον μετα δε κακίας η δουλειας επονείδιστον παντων αισχις του και βλαβερώτατον.

Polyb. 1. iv. p. 299, 300.

Pelopidas was the first cited before the tribunal. He defended himself with less force and greatness of mind than was expected from a man of his character, by nature warm and fiery. That valour, haughty and intrepid in fight, forsook him before the judges. His air and discourse, which had something timid and cringing in it, denoted a man who was afraid of death, and did not in the least incline the judges in his favour, who acquitted him, not without difficulty. Epaminondas appeared, and spoke with a quite different air and tone. He seemed, if I may be allowed the expression, to charge danger in front without emotion. Instead of justifying himself, he made a panegyric on his actions, and repeated, in a lofty style, in what manner he had ravaged Laconia, re-established Messenia, and re-united Arcadia in one body. He concluded with saying, that he should die with pleasure, if the Thebans would renounce the sole glory of those actions to him, and declare that he had done them by his own authority, and without their participation. All the voices were in his favour, and he returned from his trial, as he used to return from battle, with glory and universal applause. Such dignity has true valour, that it in a manner seizes the admiration of mankind by force.*

He was by nature designed for great actions; and every thing he did, had an air of grandeur in it. His enemies, jealous of his glory, and with design to affront him, got him elected telearch; an office very unworthy of a person of his merit. He, however, thought it no dishonour to him, and said that he would demonstrate, that "the office did not only show the man, but the man the office." He accordingly raised that employment to very great dignity, which before consisted in only taking care that the streets were kept clean, the dirt carried away, and the drains and common sewers in good order.‡

The Lacedæmonians, having every thing to fear from an enemy, whom the late successes had rendered still more haughty and enterprising than ever, and seeing themselves exposed every moment to a new irruption, had recourse to the Athenians, and sent deputies to them to implore their aid. The person who spoke began with describing, in the most pathetic terms, the deplorable condition and extreme danger to which Sparta was reduced. He enlarged upon the insolent haughtiness of the Thebans, and their ambitious views, which tended to nothing less than the empire of all Greece. He insinuated what Athens in particular had to fear, if they were suffered to extend their power by the increase of allies, who every day went over to their party, and augmented their forces. He called to mind the happy times, in which the strict union between Athens and Sparta had preserved Greece, to the equal glory of both states; and concluded with saying, how great an addition it would be to the Athenian name, to aid a city, its ancient friend and ally, which more than once had generously sacrificed itself for the common interest and safety.§

The Athenians could not deny all that the deputy advanced in his discourse but at the same time they had not forgot the bad treatment which they had suffered from the Spartans on more than one occasion, and especially after the defeat of Sicily. However, their compassion for the present misfortunes of Sparta prevailed over the sense of former injuries, and determined them to assist the Lacedæmonians with all their forces. Some time after, the deputies of several states being assembled at Athens, a league of confederacy was con cluded against the Thebans, conformably to the late treaty of Antalcides, and the intention of the king of Persia, who continually urged its execution.¶

A slight advantage gained by the Spartans over their enemies raised them from the dejection of spirits in which they had hitherto remained, as it generally happens, when in a mortal distemper the least glimpse of a recovery enlivens hope and recalls joy. Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, having received aid

*Plut. de sui laude, P. 540.

† Ου μόνον αρχη ανδρα δεικνυσιν, αλλά και αρχην ανερ Xenoph. 1. vì p. 609-613. Xenoph.l.vi. p. 609–613 Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 613-616,

Plut. de Præs apt. Reip. Ger. p, 811. 12

from Dionysius the Younger, tyrant of Sicily, put himself at the head of ins troops, and defeated the Arcadians in a battle, called by Diodorus Siculus, "The Battle without Tears," because he did not lose a man, and killed a great number of the enemy. The Spartans before had been so much accusIced to conquer, that they became insensible to the pleasure of victory: but when the news of this battle arrived, and they saw Archidamus return victorious, they could not contain their joy, nor keep within the city. His father was the first who went out to meet him, weeping with joy and tenderness. He was followed by the great officers and magistrates. The crowd of old men and women came down as far as the river, lifting up their hands to heaven, and returning thanks to the gods, as if this action had obliterated the shame of Sparta, and they began to see those happy days again, in which the Spartan glory and reputation had risen so high.*

Philiscus, who had been sent by the king of Persia to reconcile the Grecian states, was arrived at Delphos, to which place he summoned their deputies to repair. The god was not at all consulted in the affair discussed in that assem bly. The Spartans demanded, that Messene and its inhabitants should return to their obedience to them. Upon the refusal of the Thebans to comply with that demand, the assembly broke up, and Philiscus retired, after having left considerable sums of money with the Lacedæmonians, for levying troops and carrying on the war. Sparta, reduced and humbled by its losses, was no longer the object of the fear or jealousy of the Persians, but Thebes, victorious and triumphant, gave them just cause of inquietude.†

To form a league against Thebes with greater certainty, the allies had sent deputies to the great king. The Thebans on their side deputed Pelopidas; an extremely wise choice, from the great reputation of the ambassador, which is no indifferent circumstance in respect to the success of a negotiation. The battle of Leuctra had spread his fame into the remotest provinces of Asia When he arrived at the court, and appeared among the princes and nobility, they cried out, in admiration of him, "this is he who deprived the Lacedæmonians of their empire by sea and land, and reduced Sparta to confine itself between the Eurotas and Taygetus, that not long since, under its king Agesilaus, threatened no less than to invade us in Susa and Ecbatana."I

Artaxerexes, extremely pleased with his arrival, paid him extraordinary honours, and took pleasure in extolling him highly before the lords of his court; partly out of esteem for his great merit, but much more out of vanity and selflove, and to insinuate to his subjects, that the greatest and most illustrious persons made their court to him, and paid homage to his power and good fortune. But after having admitted him to audience, and heard his discourse, in his opinion more nervous than that of the Athenian ambassadors, and more simple than that of the Lacedæmonians, which was saying a great deal, he esteemed him more than ever; and as is common with kings, who are but little accustomed to constraint, he did not dissemble his extreme regard for him, and his preference of him to all the rest of the Grecian deputies.

Pelopidas, as an able politician, had apprized the king, how important it was to the interest of his crown, to protect an infant power which had never borne arms against the Persians, and which, in forming a kind of balance be tween Sparta and Athens, might be able to make a useful diversion against Lose republics, the perpetual and irreconcileable enemies of Persia, that had lately cost it so many losses and inquietudes. Timagoras, the Athenian, was the best received after him; because, being passionately desirous of humbling Sparta, and at the same time of pleasing the king. he did not appear averse to the views of Pelopidas.

The king having pressed Pelopidas to explain what favours he had to ask of him, he demanded, that Messene should continue free and exempt frem

Plut. in Agesil. p. 14, 615. Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 619, 620.

Xenoph. L. vii. p. 619. Diod. 1. xv. p. 331. Xenoph. 1. vii. p. 620-622. Plut. in Pelop. p. 294 § Παθος βασιλικὸν παθών.

the yoke of Sparta; that the Athenian galleys, which had sailed to harass the coast of Boeotia, should be recalled, or that war should be declared against Athens; and that those who would not come into the league, or march against such as should oppose it, should be attacked first. All which was decreed, and the Thebans declared friends and allies of the king. Leon, the colleague of Timagoras, said loud enough to be heard by Artaxerxes, " Athens has nothing now to do but to find some other ally."

Pelopidas, having obtained all he desired, left the court, without accepting any more of the king's many presents, than what was necessary to carry home as a token of his favour and good will; and this aggravated the complaints which were made against the other Grecian ambassadors, who were not so reserved and delicate in point of interest. One of those from the Arcadians said on his return home, that he had seen many slaves at the king's court, but no men. He added, that all his magnificence was no more than vain ostentation; and that the so much boasted plantain of gold,* which was valued at so high a price, had not shade enough under it for a grasshopper.

Of all the deputies, Timagoras had received the most presents. He did not only accept of gold and silver, but of a magnificent bed, and slaves to make it, the Greeks not seeming to him expert enough in that office; which shows that sloth and luxury were little in fashion at Athens. He received alst twenty-four cows, with slaves to take care of them; as having occasion to drink milk for some indisposition. Lastly, at his departure, he was carried in a chair to the sea-side at the king's expense, who gave four talents for that service. His colleague Leon, on their arrival at Athens, accused him of not having communicated any thing to him, and of having joined with Pelopidas in every thing. He was brought to a trial in consequence, and condemned to suffer death.

It does not appear that the acceptance of presents incensed the Athenians most against Timagoras. For Iphicrates, a simple porter, who had been at the Persian court, and had also received presents, having said in a full assembly, that he was of opinion a decree ought to pass, by which, instead of the nine archons annually elected, nine ambassadors should be chosen out of the poorest of the people to be sent to the king, in order to their being enriched by the voyage, the assembly only laughed, and made a jest of it. But what offended the more was, the Thebans obtained all they demanded. In which, says Plutarch, they did not duly consider the great reputation of Pelopidas, nor comprehend how much stronger and more efficacious that was in persuading, than all the harangues and rhetorical flourishes of the other ambassadors; especially with a prince, accustomed to caress and comply with the strongest as the Thebans undoubtedly were at that time, and who besides was not sorry to humble Sparta and Athens, the ancient and mortal enemies of his throne.

The esteem and regard of the Thebans for Pelopidas were not a little augmented by the good success of this embassy, which had procured the freedom of Greece, and the re-establishment of Messene: and he was extremely applauded for his conduct at his return.

But Thessalia was the theatre, where the valour of Pelopidas made the greatest figure, in the expedition of the Thebans against Alexander, tyrant of Pheræ. I shall relate it entire, and unite in one point of view all which re lates to that great event, without any other interruption than the journey of Pelopidas into Macedonia, to appease the troubles of that court.

SECTION VI. PELOPIDAS MARCHES AGAINST ALEXANDER, TYRANT OF PHERE, IS KILLED IN A BATTLE. TRAGICAL END OF ALEXANDER.

THE reduced condition of Sparta and Athens, which for many years bad lorded it over all Greece, either in conjunction or separately, had inspired some of their neighbours with the desire of supplanting those cities, and giving

♦ It was a tree of gold, of exquisite workmanship and great value, which people went to see out of curiosity

birth to the hope of succeeding them in the pre-eminence. A power had risen up in Thessaly, which began to grow formidable. Jason, tyrant of Pheræ, had been declared generalissimo of the Thessalians by the consent of the people of that province; and it was to his merit. universally known, he owed that dignity. He was at the head of an army of about eight thousand horse, and twenty thousand heavy-armed foot, without reckoning the light-armed soldiers, and might have undertaken any thing with such a body of disciplined and intrepid troops, who had an entire confidence in the valour and conduct of their general. But death prevented his designs. He was assassinated by persons who had conspired his destruction.*

His two brothers, Polydorus and Polyphron, were substituted in his place; the latter of whom killed the other for the sake of reigning alone, and was soon after killed himself by Alexander of Phere, who seized the tyranny, under the pretence of revenging the death of Polydorus his father, against whom Pelo. pidas was sent.†

As the tyrant made open war against several people of Thessaly, and was secretly intriguing to subject them all, the citizens sent ambassadors to Thebes to demand troops and a general. Epaminondas being employed in Peloponnesus, Pelopidas took upon himself the charge of this expedition. He set out for Thessaly with an army, made himself master of Larissa, and obliged Alexander to make his submission to him. He there endeavoured by mild usage and friendship to change his disposition, and from a tyrant to make him become a just and humane prince; but finding him incorrigible, and of unexampled brutality, and hearing every day, new complaints of his cruelty, debauched life, and insatiable avarice, he began to treat him with warm reproofs and menaces. The tyrart, alarmed at such usage, withdrew secretly with his guard; and Pelopidas, leaving the Thessalians in security from any attempts of his, and in good understanding with each other, set out for Macedonia, where his presence had been desired.

Amyntas II. had lately died, and left issue three legitimate children, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip, and one natural son, called Ptolemy. Alexander reigned but one year, and was succeeded by Perdiccas, with whom his brother Ptolemy disputed the crown. The two brothers invited Pelopidas, either to be the abitrator and judge of their quarrel, or to espouse the side on which he should see the most right.

Pelopidas had no sooner arrived, than he put an end to all disputes, and recalled those who had been banished by either party. Having taken Philip, the brother of Perdiccas, and thirty other children of the noblest families of Macedonia for hostages, he carried them to Thebes; to show the Greeks how far the authority of the Thebans extended, from the reputation of their arms, and an entire confidence in their justice and fidelity. It was this Philip who was father of Alexander the Great, and afterwards made war against the Greeks, to subject them to his power.

The troubles and factions arose again in Macedonia some years after, occasioned by the death of Perdiccas, who was killed in battle. The friends of the deceased called in Pelopidas. Being desirous to arrive before Ptolemy had time to execute his projects, who made new efforts to establish himself upon the throne, and not having an army, he raised some mercenary troops in haste, with whom he marched against Ptolemy. When they were near each other, Ptolemy found means to corrupt those mercenary soldiers by presents of money, and to bring them over to his side. At the same time, awed by the repu tation and name of Pelopidas, he went to meet him as his superior and master,

A. M. 3634. Ant. J. C. 970. Xenoph. I. vi. p. 579–583, et 599-601. Diod. 1. xv. p. 371-973. †A. M. 3635. Ant. J. C. 369.

Plutarch makes this quarrel between Alexander and Ptolemy, which cannot agree with the account by Aachines (de Fals. Legat. p. 400.) of the affairs of Perdiccas after Alexander's death, which I shall relate in the history of Philip. As Eschines was their cotemporary, I thought it proper to substitute Per diccas for Alexander.

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