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X. I shall conclude this description of the Athenians with one more attribute, which cannot be denied them, and appears evidently in all their actions and enterprises; and that is, their ardent love of liberty. This was their darling passion, and great principle of policy. We see them, from the commencement of the war with the Persians, sacrificing every thing to the liberty of Greece. They abandoned, without the least regret, their lands, estates, city, and houses, and removed to their ships in order to tight the common enemy, whose view was to enslave them. What could be more glorious for Athens, than, when all the allies were trembling at the vast offers made her by the king of Persia, to answer his ambassador by the mouth of Aristides, that all the gold and silver in the world was not capable of tempting them to sell their own, or the liberty of Greece ?*

It was from such generous sentiments that the Athenians not only became the bulwark of Greece, but preserved the rest of Europe, and all the western world, from the invasion of the Persians.

These great qualities were mingled with great defects, often the very reverse of them, such as we may imagine in a fluctuating, light, inconstant, and capricious people, like the Athenians.

SECTION VI.-COMMON CHARACTER OF THE LACEDÆMONIANS AND ATHENIANS

I CANNOT refuse giving a place here to what Mr. Bossuet says upon the cha racter of the Lacedæmonians and Athenians. The passage is long, but will not appear so, as it includes all that is wanting to a perfect knowledge of the genius of both these people.

Among all the republics of which Greece was composed, Athens and Lacedæmon were undoubtedly the principal. No people could possess more wit than the Athenians, nor more solid sense than the Lacedæmonians. Athens affected pleasure; the Lacedæmonian manner of living was hard and laborious. Both loved glory and liberty; but the liberty of Athens tended to licentiousness. The love of power among the Lacedæmonians, though restricted by serere laws at home, was the more ardent to extend itself abroad. Athens also was fond of power, but upon another principle, in which interest had a share with glory. Her citizens excelled in the art of navigation, and the sovereignty at sea had enriched her. To continue in the sole possession of all commerce, there was nothing she would not have subjected to her power; and her riches, which inspired this passion, supplied her with the means of gratifying it. On the contrary, at Lacedæmon money was in contempt. As all the laws tended to make the latter a military republic, the glory of arms was the sole object that engrossed her citizens. From thence she naturally affected dominion; and the more she was above interest, the more she abandoned herself to ambition.

Lacedæmon, from her regular life, was steady and determinate in her maxims and measures. Athens was more lively and active, but the people had too much control. Their laws and philosophy had indeed the most happy effect upon excellent natural capacities like theirs; but reason alone was not capable of keeping them within due bounds. A wise Athenian, who perfectly knew the genius of his country, informs us, that fear was necessary to keep those too ardent and free spirits in order; and that it was impossible to govern them, after the victory at Salamin had removed their fears of the Persians.t

They were therefore ruined by the glory of their great actions, and the supposed security of their present condition. The magistrates were no longer heard; and as Persia was afflicted with excessive slavery, so Athens, says Plato, experienced all the evils of excessive liberty.

These two great republics, so opposite in their manners and conduct, interfered with each other in the design they had each formed of subjecting all Greece; so that they were always enemies, more from the contrariety of their interests, than the dissimilarity of their genius.

♦ Plut. in Aristid. p. 324.

t Plat. 1. iii. de Leg.

The Grecian cities were against submitting to the dominion of either the one or the other; for, besides the desire of preserving their liberty, they found the empire of those two republics too grievous to bear. That of the Lacedæmonians, who were observed to have something almost brutal in their character, was severe. A government too rigid, and a life too laborious, rendered their tempers too haughty, austere, and in perious in power: besides which, it could never be expected to live in peace under the authority of a city, which, formed for war, could not support itself but by continuing perpetually in arms. So that the Lacedæmonians were capable of attaining to command, and all the world were afraid they should do so.t

*

The Athenians were naturally obliging and agreeable. Nothing was more delightful to behold than their city, in which feasts and games were perpetual: their wit, liberty, and the various passions of men, daily exhibited new objects; but the inequality of their conduct disgusted their allies, and was still more insupportable to their own subjects. It was impossible for them not to experience the extravagance and caprice of a flattered people, which is, according to Plato, somewhat more dangerous than the same excesses in a prince vitiated by flattery.

These two cities did not permit Greece to continue in repose. We have seen the Peloponnesian and other wars, which were always occasioned or fomented by the jealousy of Lacedæmon and Athens. But the same jealousies which involved Greece in troubles, supported it in some measure, and prevented its falling into the dependence of either the one or the other of those republics. The Persians soon perceived this condition of Greece; and accordingly the whole mystery of their politics consisted in keeping up those jealousies, and fomenting those divisions. Lacedæmon, which was the most ambitious, was the first that gave them occasion to enter into the quarrels of the Greeks. They engaged in them from the sole view of making themselves masters of the whole nation; and, industrious to weaken the Greeks by their own arms, they waited only the opportunity to crush them altogether. The states of Greece, in their wars, regarded only the king of Persia, whom they called the Great King, or "the King," by way of eminence, as if they had already been of the number of his subjects. But it was impossible that the ancient spirit of Greece should not revive, when they were upon the point of falling into slavery, and the hands of the barbarians.§

The petty kings of Greece undertook to oppose this great king, and to ruin his empire. But with a small army, disciplined as we have related, Agesilaus, king of Sparta, made the Persians tremble in Asia Minor, and showed that it was not impossible to subvert their power | The divisions of Greece alone put a stop to his conquests. The famous retreat of the ten thousand, who, after the death of the younger Cyrus, made their way in a hostile manner through the whole Persian empire, and returned into their own country, fully demonstrated to Greece that her soldiery was invincible, and that only their domestic divisions could subject them to an enemy too weak to resist their united force. We shall see, in the sequel of this history, how Philip king of Macedon, taking advantage of these divisions, succeeded at length, between address and force, in making himself little less than the sovereign of Greece, and in obliging the whole nation to march under his colours against the common enemy. What he had only planned, his son Alexander brought to perfection, who showed the wondering world, how much ability and valour avail against the most numerous armies, and the most formidable preparations.

• Aristot. Polit. 1. i. p. 4.

↑ Xenoph. de Rep. Lacon.

Plat. 1. iii. de Leg. Isocrat. Panegyr.

Plat. de Rep. 1. viii.
Polyb. I.iii.

BOOK ELEVENTH.

THE

HISTORIES

OF

DIONYSIUS AND HIS SON,

TYRANTS OF SYRACUSE

SYRACUSE had for about sixty years enjoyed the liberty gained by the expul sion of the family of Gelon. The events which passed in that interval, except the invasion of the Athenians, are of no great importance, and little known; but those which follow are of a different nature, and make amends for the chasm I mean the reigns of Dionysius and his son, tyrants of Syracuse; the first of whom governed thirty-eight, and the latter twelve years.* As this history is entirely foreign to what passed in Greece at the same time, I shall relate it in this place altcgether and by itself; observing only, that the first twenty years of it, upon which I am now entering, agree almost in point of time with the last preceding twenty years.

This history will present to our view a series of the most odious and horrid crimes, though it abounds at the same time with instruction. When on the one side we behold a prince, the declared enemy of liberty, justice, and laws, trampling on the most sacred rights of nature and religion, inflicting the most cruel torments upon his subjects, beheading some, burning others for a slight word, delighting and feasting himself with human blood, and gratifying his savage inhumanity with the sufferings and miseries of every age and condition,t can we deny a truth, which the pagan world itself has confessed, and Plutarch has taken occasion to observe in speaking of the tyrants of Sicily, "that God in his anger gives such princes to a people, and makes use of the impious and the wicked to punish the guilty and the criminal?" On the other side, when the same prince, the dread and terror of Syracuse, is perpetually anxious, and trembling for his own life, and, abandoned to remorse and regret, can find no person in his whole state, not even his wives or children, in whom he can confide; who will not think with Tacitus, "that it is not without reason that the oracle of wisdom has declared, that if the hearts of tyrants could be seen, we should find them torn in pieces with a thousand evils; it being certain, that the body does not suffer more from inflictions and torments, than the minds of such wretches from their crimes, cruelties, and the injustice and violence of¡ their proceedings.‡

The condition of a good prince is quite different. He loves his people, and is beloved by them: he enjoys a perfect tranquillity within himself, and lives with his subjects as a father with his children. Though he knows that

* After having been expelled for more than ten years, he re-ascended the throne, and reigned two os three years.

Erit Dionysius illic tyrannus, libertatis, justitiæ, legum exitium-Alios uret, alios verberabit, alice ob levem offensam jubebit detruncari.-Senec. de Consol. ad Marc. c. xvii.

Sanguine humano non tantum gaudet, sed pascitur; sed ut suppliciis omnium ætatum crudelitatem ir tiabilem explet Id de Benef. I. vii. c. 19.

Neque frustra præstantissimus sapientiæ firmare solitus est, si recludantur tyrannorum mentes, posse aspici, laniatus et ictus; quando, ut corpora verberibus, ita sævitia, libidine, malís consultis animus dilacer tur-Tacit, Annal. 1. virc. 6.

the sword of justice is in his hands, he apprehends the use of it. He loves to turn aside its edge, and can never resolve to display his power, but with great reluctance, in the last extremity, and with all the forms and sanction of the laws.* "A tyrant punishes only from caprice and passion; and believes," says Plutarch upon Dionysius, "that he is not really master, and does not act with supreme authority, but as he sets himself above all laws, has no other but his will and pleasure, and sees himself obeyed implicitly whereas, : tinues the same author, "be that can do whatever he will, is in great danger of doing what he ought not."†

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Besides these characteristics of cruelty and tyranny, which particularly distinguished the first Dionysius, we shall see in his history, all that unbounded ambition, sustained by great valour, extensive abilities, and the necessary talents for acquiring the confidence of a people, is capable of undertaking for the attainment of sovereignty; the various means which he had the address to employ for the maintaining himself in it against the opposition of his enemies, and the odium of the public; and lastly, the tyrant's success in escaping, during a reign of thirty-eight years, the many conspiracies formed against him, and in transmitting peaceably the tyranny to his son, as a legitimate possession and a right of inheritance.

CHAPTER I

THIS chapter contains the history of Dionysius the Elder, who reigned thir ty-eight years.

SECTION 1.-MEANS MADE USE OF BY DIONYSIUS THE ELDER TO POSSESS HIMSELF OF THE TYRANNY.

DIONYSIUS was a native of Syracuse, of noble and illustrious extraction ac cording to some, but others say that his birth was base and obscure. However that may be, he distinguished himself by his valour, and acquired great reputation in a war with the Carthaginians. He was one of those who accompanied Hermocrates, when he attempted to re-enter Syracuse by force of arms, after having been banished through the intrigues of his enemies. The event of that enterprise was unsuccessful and Hermocrates was killed. The Syracusans did not spare his accomplices, several of whom were publicly executed. Dionysius was left among the wounded. The report of his death. designedly given out by his relations, saved his life. Providence would have spared Syracuse many misfortunes, had he expired either in the fight, or by the executioner.‡

The Carthaginians had made several attempts to establish themselves in S:cily, and to possess themselves of the principal towns of that island, as we have observed elsewhere.§ Its happy situation for their maritime commerce the fertility of its soil, and the riches of its inhabitants, were powerful inducements to such an enterprise. We may form an idea of the wealth of its cities from the account given of Agrigentum. The temples were of extraordina magnificence, especially that of Jupiter Olympus, which was three hundred and forty feet in length, sixty in breadth, and one hundred and twenty in height. The piazzas, or galleries, in their extent and beauty, answered to the rest of the building. On one side was represented the battle of the giants, on the other, the taking of Troy, in figures as large as life. Without the city

Hæc est in maxima potestate verissima animi temperantia, non cupiditate aliqua, non temeritate incendi; non priorum principum exemplis corruptum, quantum in cives suos liceat, experiendo tentare; sed lebetare aciem imperii sui-Quid interest inter tyrannum et regem, (species enim ipsa fortunæ ac licentia par est,) nisi quod tyranni in voluptate sæviunt, reges non nisi ex causa et necessitate ?-Senec, de Clem fib. i. c. 11.

. Εφη απολαύειν μαλίδα της αρχης οταν ταχέως αβύλεται ποιη. Μεγας αν ο κίνδυνος βελεσθαι αν μη δει, τον α βαλεται ποιειν δυναμενον.-Ad. Princ. Indoet. p. 782.

Diad. L. xiii. p. 197.

in the history of the Carthaginians, Book II. Part. L

was an artificial lake, which was seven stadia, or more than a quarter of a league, in circumference. It was full of all kinds of fish, covered with swans and other water-fowls, and afforded the most agreeable prospect imaginable.*

It was at the time of which we are now speaking, that Exenetes, victor in the Olympic games, entered the city in triumph in a magnificent chariot, attended by three hundred more, all drawn by white horses. Their robes were adorned with gold and silver; and nothing was ever more splendid than their appearance. Gellias, the most wealthy of the citizens of Agrigentum, erected several large apartments in his house for the reception and entertainment of his guests. Servants waited by his order at the gates of the city, to invite all strangers to lodge at their master's house, and conduct them thither. Hospitality was much practised and esteemed by the generality of that city. A violent storm having obliged one hundred horsemen to take shelter there, Gellias entertained them all in his house, and supplied them immediately with dry clothes, of which he had always a great quantity in his wardrobe. This is understanding how to make a noble use of riches. His cellar is much talked of by historians, in which he had three hundred reservoirs hewn out of the rock, each of which contained one hundred amphora.†

This great and opulent city was besieged, and at length taken by the Car. thaginians. Its fall shook all Sicily, and spread an universal terror. The cause of its being lost was imputed to the Syracusans, who had but weakly aided it. Dionysius, who from that time had no other thoughts but of his grand designs, and was secretly active in laying the foundations of his future power, took advantage of this favourable opportunity, and of the general complaints of Sicily against the Syracusans, to render the magistrates odious, and to exclaim against their administration. In a public assembly, held to deliberate on the state of affairs, when nobody dared to speak for fear of the persons at the helm, Dionysius rose up, and boldly accused the magistrates of treason; adding, that it was his opinion, that they ought to be deposed immediately, without waiting till the term of their administration should expire. They retorted this audacity with treating him as a seditious person, and disturber of the public tranquillity, and as such laid a fine upon him according to the laws. This was to be paid before he could be admitted to speak again and Dionysius was not in a condition to discharge it. Philistus, one of the richest citizens, who wrote a history of Sicily, which has not come down to us, deposited the money, and exhorted him at the same time to give his opinion upon the state of affairs, with all the liberty which became a citizen zealous for his country.

Dionysius accordingly resumed his discourse with more vigour than before. He had long cultivated the talent of eloquence, which he looked upon with reason as very necessary in a republican government; especially in his views of acquiring the people's favour, and of conciliating them to his measures. He began with describing in a lively and pathetic manner the ruin of Agrigentum, a neighbouring city, in their alliance; the deplorable extremity to which the inhabitants had been reduced, of quitting the place under the cover of the night; the cries and lamentations of infants, and of aged and sick persons, whom they had been obliged to abandon to a cruel and merciless enemy; and the consequent murder of all who had been left in the city, whom the barbarous victor dragged from the temples and altars of the gods, feeble refuges against the Carthaginian fury and impiety. He imputed all these evils to the treachery of the commanders of the army, who, instead of marching to the relief of Agrigentum, had retreated with their troops; to the criminal protraction and delay of the magistrates, corrupted by Carthaginian bribes; and to the pride of the great and rich, who regarded nothing but establishing their own power upon the ruin of their country's liberty. He represented Syracuse as composed of two different bodies; the one, by their power and influence,

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* Diod. 1. xiii. p. 203, 206.

† An am hora contained abort seven gallons; consequently, one hundred contained seven hundred ga hogsheads seven ons. VOL. II.

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