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would be for her honour to concur with him in the design he had formed of restoring the Ionians to their liberty: that the Persiais, their common enemy, were not a warlike people, but exceeding rich and wealthy, and consequently would become an easy prey to the Lacedæmonians ; that, considering the present spirit and disposition of the Ionians, it would not be difficult for them to carry their victorious arms even to Susa, the metropolis of the Persian empire, and the place of the king's residence: he showed him, at the same time, à description of all the nations and towns through which they were to pass, engraven upon a little plate of brass which he had brought along with bim. Cleomenes desired three days to consider of his proposals. That term being, expired, he asked the Ionian how far it was from the lonian sea to Susa, and how much time it required to go from the one place to the other. Aristagoras, without considering the effect his answer was likely to have with Cleomenes, told him, that from lonia to Susa was about three months journey.* Cleomenes was so amazed at this proposal, that he immediately ordered bim to depart from Sparta before sun-set. Aristagoras, nevertheless, followed him home to his house, and endeavoured to win him by arguments of another sort, that is, by presents. The first sum he offered him was only ten talents, which were equivalent to thirty thousand livres French money: that being refused, he still rose in his offers, till at last he proposed to give him fifty talents. Gorgo, a daughter of Cleomenes, about eight or nine years of age, whom her father had not ordered to quit the room, apprehending nothing from so young a child, hearing the proposals that were made to her father, cried out, “ Fly, father, fly, this stranger will corrupt you,” Cleomenes, laughed, yet observed the child's admonition, and aciually retired. Aristagoras left Sparta.t

From hence be proceeded to Athens, where he found a more favourable, reception. He had the good fortune to arrive there at a time when the Athenians were extremely well

disposed to hearken to any proposals that could be made to them against the Persians, with whom they were highly offended on the following occasion. . Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, about ten years before the time we are speaking of, having been banished, after having in vain tried numerous methods for his re-establishment, at last went to Sardis, and made application to Artaphernes. He insinuated himself so far into the good opinion of that governor, that he listened favourably to all he said to the disadvantage of the Athenians, and became extremely prejudiced against them. The Athenians, baving intelligence of this, sent an ambassador to Sardis, and desired of Artaphernes, not to give ear to what any of their outlaws should insinuate to their disadvantage. The answer of Artaphernes to this message was, that if they desired to live in peace, they must recall Hippias. When this haughty answer was brought back to the Athenians, the whole city was violently enraged against the Persians. Aristagoras, coming thither just at this juncture, easily obtained all he desired. Herodotus remarks on this occasion, how much easier it is to impose upon a multitude than upon a single person ; and so Aristagoras found it; for he prevaile' with thirty-thousand Athenians to come to a resolution, into which he could not persuade Cleomenes alone. They engaged immediately to furnish iwenty ships to assist him in his design; and it may be truly said, that this little fleet was the original source of all the calamities in which both the Persians and Grecians 'vere afterwards involved.Ş

In the third year of this war, the Ionians, having collected all their forces, together with the twenty vessels furnished by the city of Athens, and five more from Eretria, in the island of Eubea, set sail for Ephesus, where, leaving

According to Herodotus, who reckons the parasanga, a Persian measure, to contain 30 stadia, the distance from Sardis to Susa is 450 parasangas, or 13,500 stadia. which makes 675 of our leagues; for we gene rally reckon 20 stadia to one of our conmon leagues. So that by travelling 150 stadia per day, which mapokes seven leagues and a half of our measure, it is ninety days journey from Sardis to Susa. If they set ans lepna Ephesus, it would require about four days more, for Éphesus is 540 stadia from Sardis.

† Herod. I. v. c. 38, 41, 49, 51. Rein fact has been before treated at large in the preceding volume. $ Herod. I. v. c. 55, 96, 97.

their ships, they marched by land to the city of Sardis : and, finding the place in a defenceless condition, soon made themselves masters of it: but were not able to force the citadel, into which Artaphernes retired. As most of the houses of the city were built with reeds, and consequently were very combustible, an lorian soldier set fire to one house, the faine of which spreading and communica:ing itself to the rest, reduced the whole city to ashes. Upon this accident, the Persians and Lydians assembling their forces together for their defence, the Ionians judged it was time for them to think of retreating ; and accordingly, they marched back with all possible diligence, in order to reembark at Ephesus : but the Persians, arriving there almost as soch as they, attacked them vigorously, and destroyed a great number of their men. The Athenians, after he return of their ships, would never again engage in this war, notwithstanding all the intreaties and solicitations of Aristagoras.*.

Darius being informed of the burning of Sardis, and of the part the Athenians took in that affair, resolved from that very time to make war upon Greece; and that he might never forget his resolution, he commanded one of his officers to cry out to him with a loud voice every night, when he was at supper, “Sir, remember the Athenians.” In the burning of Sardis it happened that the temple of Cybele, the goddess of that country,' was consumed with the rest of the city. This accident served afterwards as a pretence to the Persians to burn all the temples they found in Greece; to which they were like. wise induced by a motive of religion, which I have before explained.

As Aristagoras, the head and manager of this revolt, was Hystiæus's lieutenant at Miletus, Darius suspected that the latter might probably be the instigator of the whole conspiracy; for which reason he entered into a free conference with him upon the subject, and acquainted him with his thoughts, and the just grounds he had for bis suspicions. · Hystiæus, who was a crafty courtier, and an expert master in the art of dissembling, appeared extremely surprised and afflicted; and speaking in a tone that at once expressed boil sorrow and indignation, thus endeavoured to exculpate himself to the king : “ is it possible, then, for your majesty to have entertained so injurious a suspicion of the most faithful and most affectionate of your servants? I concerned in a

lion against you! Alas! what is there in the world that could tempt me to it? Do I want any thing here? Am I not already raised to one of the highest stations in your court? And besides the honour I have of assisting at your councils, do I not daily receive new proofs of your bounty, by the numberless favours you heap upon me?” After this he insinuated, that the revolt in lonia proceeded from his absence and distance from the country; that they had waited for that opportunity to rebel ; that if he had staid at Miletus, the conspiracy would never bave been formed : that the surest way to restore the king's affairs in that province, would be to send him thither; that he promised him on the forfeiture of his head, to deliver Aristagoras into his hands; and ongaged, besides all this, to make the large island of Sardinia tributary to him. The best princes are often too credulous; and when they have once jaken a subject into their confidence, it is with difficulty they withdraw from him; nor do they easily undeceive themselves. Darius, imposed upon by the air of sincerity with wich Hystiæus spoke on this occasion, believed him on his own word, and gave him leave to return to Ionia, on condition he would return to the Persian court as soon as he bad executed what he promised.

The revolters in the mean time, though deserted by the Athenians, and notwithstanding the considerable check they had received in lonia, did not lose courage but still pushed on their point with resolution. Their feet set sail towards the Hellespont and the Propontis, and reduced Byzantium, with

* Herod. l. v. c. 99, 103.

| Herod. I. v. c. 105, This island is very remote from lonia, and could have no relation to it. I am therefore inclined to be lieve it must be an error that has crept inta the text of Herodotus.

Herod.l. v. c 105, 107.

the major part of the other Grecian cities in that quarter : after which, as they were returning, they obliged the Carians and the people of Cyprus to join with them in this war. The Persian generals, having divided their forces among themselves, marched three different ways against the rebels, and deLeated them in several encounters, in one of which Aristagoras was slain.*

When Hystiæus came to Sardis, his intriguing spirit formed a plot against the government, into which he drew a great number of Persians. But, perceiving by some discourse he had with Artaphernes, that the part he had in the revolt of lonia was not unknown to that governor, he thought it not safe for him to stay any longer at Sardis, and retired secretly, the night following, to the isle of Chios : from thence be sent a trusty messenger to Sardis, with letters for such of the Persians as he had gained to his party. This messenger betrayed him, and delivered his letters to Artaphernes, by which means the plot was discovered, all his accomplices put to death, and his project utterly defeated. But still imagining that he could bring about some enterprise of importance, if he was once at the head of the Ionian league, he made several attempts to get into Miletus, and to be admitted into the confederacy by the citizens : but none of his endeavours succeeded, and he was obliged to return to Chios.

Being there asked why he had so strongly urged Aristagoras to revolt, and by that means involved Ionia in such calamities, he made answer, that it was because the king bad resolved to transport the Ionians into Phænicia, and to plant the Phænicians in lonia. But all this was a mere story and fiction of his own inventing, Darius having never conceived any such design. The artifice, however, served his purpose extremely well, not only for justifying him to the Ionians, but also for engaging them to prosecute the war with vigour. For, being alarmed at the thoughts of this transmigration, they came to a firm resolution to defend themselves against the Persians to the last extremity. I

Artaphernes and Otanes, with the rest of the Persian generals, finding that Miletus was the centre of the Ionian confederacy, resolved to march thither with all their forces; concluding, that if they could carry that city, all the rest would submit of course. The lonians, having intelligence of their design, determined in a general assembly to send no army into the field, but to fortify Miletus, to furnish it as well as possible with provisions, and all things necessary for enduring a siege ; and to unite all their forces to engage the Persians at sea, their skill in maritime affairs inducing them to believe, that they should have the advantage in a naval battle. The place of their rendezvous was Lade, a small isle opposite to Miletus, where they assembled a fleet of three hundred and fifty-three vessels. At the sight of this fleet, the Persians, though stronger by one half with respect to the number of their ships, were afraid to hazard a battle, till by their emissaries they had secretly corrupted the greatest part of the confederates, and engaged them to desert: so that when the two fleets came to action, the ships of Samos, of Lesbos, and several other places, sailed off, and returned to their own country, and the remaining fleet of the confederates, consisting of not more than a hundred vessels, were all quickly overpowered by numbers, and almost entirely destroyed. After this, the city of Miletus was besieged, and became a prey to the conquerors, who utterly destroyed it. This happened six years after the revolt of Aristagoras. All the other cities, as well on the continent as on the sea-coast and in the isles, returned to their duty soon after, either voluntarily, or by force. Those persons who stood out were treated as they had been threatened beforehand. The handsomest of the young men were chosen to serve in the king's palace, and the young women were all sent to Persia : the cities and temples were reduced to ashes. These were the effects of the revolt, into which the people were drawn by the ambitious views of Aristagoras and Hystiæus.

• Herod. l. v. c. 103, 104, 108, and 122.

Herod. I. vi. c. S.

† Herod. l. vi. c. 1-5. Herod. l. vi. C. 6, 20, 31, and 39.

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Hystiæus suffered in the general calamity : for that same year he was taken by the Persians, and carried to Sardis, where Arta phernes caused him to be immediately hanged, without consulting Darius, lest that prince's affection for Hystiæus should incline him to pardon him, and by that means a dangerous enemy should be left alive, who might create the Persians new troubles. It appeared by the sequel, that the conjecture of Artaphernes was well grounded: for when Hystiæus's head was brought to Darius, he expressed great dissatisfaction at the authors of his death, and caused the head to be honourably interred, as being the remains of a person to whom he owed infinite obligations, the remembrance of wbich was too deeply engraven on his mind, ever to be effaced by the greatness of any crimes he had afterwards committed. Hystiæus was one of those restless, bold, and enterprising spirits, in whom many good qualities are joined with still greater vices; with whom all means are lawful and good, that seem to promote the end they have in view; who look upon justice, probity, and sincerity, as mere empty names; who make no scruple to employ lying or fraud, treachery, or even perjury, when it is to serve their turn; and who account it nothing to ruin nations, or even their own courtry, if necessary to their own elevation. His end was worthy his sentiments, and what is common enough to these irreligious politicians, who sacrifice every thing to their ambition, and acknowledge no other rule of their actions, and hardly any other God than their interest and fortune.*

SECTION VII.--THE EXPEDITION OF DARIUS'S ARMY AGAINST GREECE. Darius, in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having recalled all his other generals, sent Mardonius the son of Gobryas, a young lord of an illustrious Persian family, who had lately married one of the king's daughters, to command in chief throughout all the maritime parts of Asia, with a particular order to invade Greece, and to revenge the burning of Sardis upon the Athenians and Eretrians. The king did not show much wisdom in this choice, by wbich he preferred a young man, because he was a favourite, to all his oldest and most experienced generals ; especially as it was in so difficult a war, the success of which he had very much at heart, and wherein the glory of his reign was intimately concerned. His being son-in-law to the king was a quality indeed that might augment his influence, but added nothing to his real merit, or his capacity as a general.

Upon his arrival in Macedonia, into which he had marched with his landforces, after having passed through Thrace, the whole country, terrified by his power, submitted. But his fleet, attempting to double Mount Athos, now called Capo Santo, in order to gain the coasts of Macedonia, was attacked with so violent a storm of wind, that upwards of three hundred ships, with above twenty thousand men, perished in the sea. His land army at the same time met with an equally fatal overthrow. For, being encamped in a place of no security, the Thracians attacked the Persian camp by night, made a great slaughter of the men, and wounded Mardonius himself. All this ill success obliged him shortly after to return into Asia, with grief and confusion at his having miscarried both by sea and land in this expedition.

Darius, perceiving too late that the youth and inexperience of Mardonius had occasioned the defeat of his troops, recalled him and gave the command to two generals, Datis, a Mede, and Artaphernes, son of his brother Artaphernes, who had been governor of Sardis. The king, was earnestly bent upon putting in execution the great design he had long had in mind, which was to attack Greece with all his forces, and particularly to take a signal vengeance on the people of Athens and Eretria, whose enterprise against Sardis was per petually in his thoughts.

* Herod. 1. vi. c. 29, 30. + A, M. 3510. Ant. J. C. 494, Herod. I. vi. c. 43, 45.

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Vol. II,

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1. THE STATE OF ATHENS. THE CHARACTERS OF MILTIADES, THEMISTOCLES,

AND ARISTIDES. BEFORE we enter upon this war, it will be proper to refresh our memories with a view of the state of Athens at this time, which alone sustained the first shock of the Persians at Marathon: to form some idea beforehand, of the great . men who shared in that celebrated victory.

Athens, just delivered from that yoke of servitude which she had been forced to bear for above thirty years, under the tyranny of Pisistratus and his child ren, now peaceably enjoyed the advantages of liberty, the sweetness and value of which were only heightened and improved by that short privation. Lacedæmon, which was at this time the mistress of Greece, and had contributed at first to this happy change in Athens, seemed afterwards to repent of her good offices; and growing jealous of the tranquillity she herself had procured for her neighbours, she attempted to disturb it, by endeavouring to reinstate Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, in the government of Athens. But well ber attempts were fruitless, and served only to manifest ber ill-will, and her grief, to see Athens determined to maintain its independence even of Sparta itself. Hippias hereupon had recourse to the Persians. Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, sent the Athenians word, as we have already mentioned, that they must re-establish Hippias in his authority, unless they chose rather to draw the whole power of Darius upon them. This second attempt succeeded no better than the first ; Hippias was obliged to wait for a more favourable juncture. We shall see presently that he served as a conductor or guide to the Persian generals sent by Darius against Greece.

Athens, from the recovery of her liberty was quite another city than under her tyrants, and displayed a very different kind of spirit. Among the citizens, Miltiades distinguished himself most in the war with the Persians, which we are going to relate. lle was the son of Cimon, an illustrious Athenian. This Cimon had a half brother by the mother's side, whose name was likeWise Miltiades, of a very ancient and noble family in Ægina, who had lately been received into the number of Athenian citizens. He was a person of great reputation even in the time of Pisistratus ; but being unwilling to bear the yoke of a despotic government, he joyfully embraced the offer made him, of going to settle with a colony in the Thracian Chersonesus, where he was invited by the Dolonci, the inhabitants of that country, to be their king, or according to the language of those times, their tyrant. He, dying without children, left the sovereignty to Stesagoras, who was his nephew, and eldest son of his brother Cimon; and Stesagoras also dying without issue, the sons of Pisistratus, who then ruled the city of Athens, sent his brother Miltiades, the person we are now speaking of, into that country to be his successor. He arrived there, and established himself in the government, the same year that Darius undertook his expedition against the Scythians. He attended that prince with some ships as far as the Danube : and was the person who advised the lonians to destroy the bridge, and return home without waiting for Darius. During his residence in the Chersonesus, he married Hegesipyla,* daughter of Olorus, a Thracian king in the neighbourhood, by whom he had Cimon, the famous Athenian general, of whom a great deal will be said in the sequel. Miltiades, having for several reasons abdicated his government in Thrace, embarked with all his effects on board five ships, and set sail for Athens. There he settled a second time, and acquired great reputation.f.

At the same time two other citizens, younger than Miltiades, began to distinguish themselves at Athens, namely, Aristides and Themistocles. Plutarch observes, that the former of these two had endeavoured to form himself

* After the death of Miltiades, this princess had, by a second husband, a son who was called Olorus, after the game of his grandfather, and who was the father of Thucydides the historian.---Herod. | Herod. I. vi. c. 34, 41. Cora. Nep. io Mil. cap.i.

iii.

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