its place. The fact is

ement must accept, as a necesçer influences attending its ent argument against any шecessary work.

on of this question would ment of "Production;" but theories of government exnistry, that it is fairly brought inquiry and it is from the the best view of that absurd that national extravagance stimuthe general welfare.

xpenditure by government, even nade at a disadvantage to itself, narked inconveniences and misso far as consistent, individual uted. In how strong a light, that scheme of national prosoutlay by government for any - or destructive, of luxury or terested portion of the come more easily; but the sum of the healthful laws of distribution

tic warlike operations of the - experience to hear the acceptphilosophy gravely pronounce the y to be most gratifying, loudly on the stimulus given to industry Trade was brisk, because the ree thousand millions in debt, to be -- centuries. We do not question that -the expense; but this was none the

ment.

essity, and the liveliness of business. holy feature of the national condition.

CHAPTER VI.

CHARITY AND POOR-LAWS.

In its broadest sense, half the world exists on charity; and the amount of wealth so distributed, exceeds calculation.

Man comes into the world a helpless being. If left alone, he dies. He has not the faculties of self-defence and selfsupport that brute young possess. Years pass before he attains the power of maintaining his own existence.

Even in the best states of society, woman is, to a great degree, rendered, by delicacy of constitution, incapable of self-support. At times, the fierce competitions of trade may be hushed when she comes among them; yet she must always subsist somewhat by the sufferance of the fiercer and stronger sex. In the barbarous state, she is the tool and slave of man.

Besides these large classes, the field of adult manhood is trenched upon by accidents of birth or circumstance, that render thousands incapable, physically or mentally, of earning a livelihood.

All these must live by charity.

But in the sense of economy, in our modern civilized state, the field of this agency is greatly limited. The family relation adopts by far the greater part of all who are helpless to control their own condition. There have been peoples where children were the property of the state, and were reared at the public charge. There have been communities where women were had in common, and their maintenance was included in the budget of the treasurer. But the world has settled down to the family relation, and so we are to consider it.

But there are yet melancholy outcasts from society, aged folk and cripples and young children, who have lost

their staff and stay by the natural course of life, by the ravages of vice, by appalling accidents, or by the devastations of war. These form a great community, over which the state is called to watch with tender care; a solemn trust, appealing to the holiest feelings of our nature. For these it has to provide, not food and shelter alone, but healing for their diseases, correction for their vices, help for their infirmities of body and mind, instruction and useful arts, as far as they are capable of receiving them.

Such are the natural constituents of this class; but unfortunately, by social obstructions and political oppression, we find, in some communities, thousands of able-bodied and hard-working men dragged down into the mire of beggary, compelled by wicked institutions to shameful

want.

There is hardly any social result so distressing as the reduction of the healthy workman to the low ground of charity. This, found in almost any degree in a political system, must be held to offset a great many splendid merits; while freedom from such conditions must be accepted as satisfaction for many conspicuous defects. Legislators should ever consider the independence of the poor man as the visible" fulfilment of the law." It is a crying curse, that ever a stout man, glad to work, should be forced to beg.

In the United States, the question of charities has not that engrossing interest which it commands in the older peoples of the world. Land here is so cheap, labor so much in demand, that no able-bodied man has any excuse for pauperism. And even a large share of those disabled by severe accidents are yet competent to earn something for livelihood, in a country where every hand is wanted for work. It is probable, that the pauperage of the nation is not, in ordinary times, equal to one-half of one per cent of its population; while England and Wales had, in 1859, four and a half per cent; Holland, in 1855, eight and a half;

Belgium, in 1846, sixteen; East and West Flanders rising that year to thirty per cent.

The methods of charity have not, therefore, the same importance with us which they bear elsewhere. It is a matter of profound concern with others, that pauperism should be in every way discouraged, and that what of it. is necessary should be as cheaply arranged as possible. Here, the only occasion for anxiety is, lest some unfortunate should be overlooked in the general prosperity of the country. It will not, however, be without interest and instruction to regard carefully the practical principles which should govern the administration of charity.

1st, What classes are entitled to charity?

Manifestly all who are unable to subsist in human decency without it.

But should government provide nothing for those who, having wantonly wasted their means and gifts of labor, find themselves, and those dependent on them, suffering for the necessaries of life? We answer, that the liberty of the subject is not a privilege to become a pauper; that government has the right to protect itself; that it may, by stringent enactments concerning vagrancy and indolence, anticipate the operation of such causes; that it may encourage industry by rewards, or compel it by pains and penalties; that it may apply to vicious pauperism the same severity as to crime. Yet, when all this is granted, and all this done, there will still remain a certain degree of physical want, the result of sinful and slothful habits. Of this the state must have charge. No man may be allowed to starve, however clearly his destitution may be the effect of his own folly or wickedness. "It is better," said the Roman law, "that vagabonds should die of hunger, than that they should be supported in their beggary." In the light of Christianity, we have a wider view of political duties. The sharpest incitement to labor, the sternest punishment of vice, is equally just to society and kind to

the subject; but that the vilest outcast should perish of hunger by the actual permission of government, would eclipse the brightest glories of conquest or commerce which a Christian nation can acquire.

Here we have an important practical precept concerning governmental or individual charity; viz., the frequent and careful revision of claims to assistance. There should be no prescription in beggary, nor any thing taken for granted. The inability of self-support should be distinctly proved, or the applicant forced to work.

2d, Who should administer charity?

An argument might be made from the principle of benevolence and the sensibility to another's distress found in the constitution of our nature, that charity was not alone designed for government, but that the relief of the poor is appropriate to private hands. And there is a plain, economical reason, in that such contributions can be made more timely, more judiciously, and more cheaply, by the offices of individuals than by public agencies. There is a further reason, not less economical than moral, that assistance rendered in this form does less hurt to the feelings of the recipient. The interests of production, not less than the law of kindness, object to the unnecessary lowering of the self-respect of any class or person. To accept charity from a neighbor, under the pressure of extraordinary misfortune, could impeach the honor of no one; but to take bread from government carries with it a sort of taint of beggary through life.

But this does not in the least excuse mendicancy, whose principle is directly opposed to that of intelligent, equable charity. It is prohibited, under severe penalties, in almost all communities, though the sympathy of the solicited and the condition of the solicitor take much from the terrors of the law.

Here, then, in individual contributions, we have one of the main instruments by which the relief of the poor should be effected.