XI. 1774. BOOK of manners. Pennsylvania, after repeatedly opposing, was one of the latest of the provinces in assenting to the project of independence. Hence, as well as from the privacy with which the proceedings of the congress were still conducted, no adventitious fervour was communicated to this assembly by the contagious vicinity of popular excitement, or the animating presence and sympathy of a crowded and admiring audience. In the congress thus sequestered from an influence of which the most enterprising assemblies in the world have acknowledged the powerful efficacy, the heroic or ambitious partizans of American independence were aware that the glory of the measure must be shared with all their colleagues; while the cautious and timid were conscious that the danger of it was equally extended to every individual who should sign the Declaration. Every man indeed who concurred in this decisive measure, irrevocably staked his life and fortune on the achievement of his country's freedom, and linked his own fate to the high destiny of North America.1 The Declaration of Independence was received and published with enthusiastic applause in all the confederated states and on the evening of its arrival at New York, a leaden statue of the king of Britain, which had been erected in former days, was thrown down, and appointed to be melted into bullets for the use of the American army.2 Conclusion. In reviewing these remarkable tides in the affairs of men and nations, it is difficult to resist the temptation of speculating on the consequences that might have resulted from a conduct and policy different from that which was actually pursued. Had Britain, after the treaty of Paris, discerned the change which her relation with America had actually undergone, and liberally recognised it had she, instead of aggravating the pressure of her commercial restrictions, and introducing new regulations still more arbitrary and severe, begun with prevenient grace to relax those bonds; and finally, acknowledging the national maturity of her colonies, declared 1 See Note XXI. at the end of the volume. 2 Ann. Reg. for 1776. V. them independent; and, trusting to their grateful friendship, CHAP. sought to negotiate with them a commercial treaty beneficial to her own people,-would the consequences of this policy, 1776. more magnanimous than any nation has ever shown itself capable of,1 have proved more conducive than the scenes which actually occurred, to the happiness of Britain, America, and mankind in general? To suppose so, would be to impeach the wisdom or beneficence of the dominion exerted by Providence over the passions of men and the stream of events. As the commonwealths of America had not owed their existence, so they were destined not to owe their independence to European grace and liberality. If Britain had merely persisted in her original course of policy, without aggravating its severity, the Americans, notwithstanding, would doubtless have revolted in process of time: but in that case, most probably, either the revolt would have been partial, irregular, and proportionally ineffective, or, if it had been general, it would, from the increased growth and strength of the provinces, have been instantly successful. The sudden increase in the mode and measure of British domination, caused all the states to revolt simultaneously; and the long and arduous struggle that ensued, served to knit them together in strong conjunction, and prepared them for permanent federal association. "There are instances in which individual rulers weary of power have freely resigned it but no people ever yet voluntarily surrendered authority over a subject nation." Heeren's Reflections on the Politics of Ancient Greece. NOTES ΤΟ THE FOURTH VOLUME. NOTE I. Page 9. "SUCH are the connexions, dependencies, and relations subsisting between the mechanical arts, agriculture, and manufactures of Great Britain, that it requires study, deliberation, and inquiry in the legislature, to discern and distinguish the whole scope and consequences of many projects offered for the benefit of the commonwealth. The society of merchant adventurers in the city of Bristol alleged, in a petition to the House of Commons, that great quantities of bar-iron were imported into Great Britain from Sweden, Russia, and other ports, chiefly purchased with ready money, some of which iron was exported again to Africa and other places, and the rest wrought up by the manufacturers. They affirmed that bar-iron imported from North America would answer the same purposes; and the importation of it tend not only to the great advantage of the kingdom, by increasing its shipping and navigation, but also to the benefit of the British colonies. That, by an act passed in the twenty-third year of his present Majesty's reign, the importation of bar-iron from America into. the port of London, duty free, was permitted; but its being carried coastways, or farther by land than ten miles, had been prohibited; so that several very considerable manufacturing towns deprived of the use of American iron, and the outports prevented from employing it in their export commerce: they requested, therefore, that bar-iron might be imported from America into Great Britain, duty free, by all his Majesty's subjects. request being reinforced by many other petitions from different parts of the kingdom, other classes of men, who thought several interests would be affected by such a measure, took the alarm; and, in divers counter-petitions, stated many ill consequences which, they alleged, would arise from its being enacted into were This a law. Pamphlets were published on both sides of the question, and violent disputes were kindled upon this subject, which was justly deemed a matter of national importance. The opposers of the bill which was solicited observed, that large quantities of iron were yearly produced at home, and employed multitudes of poor people, there being no less than one hundred and nine forges in England and Wales, besides those erected in Scotland; the whole producing eighteen thousand tons of iron. That, as the mines in Great Britain are inexhaustible, the produce would, of late years, have been considerably increased, had not the people been kept under continual apprehension of seeing American iron admitted duty free; a supposition which had prevented the traders from extending their works, and discouraged many from engaging in this branch of traffic. They alleged that the iron-works, already carried on in England, occasioned a consumption of one hundred and ninety-eight thousand cords of wood, produced in coppices that grow upon barren lands, which could not otherwise be turned to any good account:-that, as the coppices afford shade, and preserve a moisture in the ground, the pasture is more valuable with the wood, than it would be if the coppices were grubbed up; consequently, all the estates where these now grow would sink in their yearly value :-that these coppices, now cultivated and preserved for the use of the iron-works, are likewise absolutely necessary for the manufacture of leather, as they furnish bark for the tanners; and that, according to the management of these coppices, they produced a great number of timber trees, so necessary for the purposes of building.-They asserted, that neither the American iron, nor any that had yet been found in Great Britain, was so proper for converting into steel, as that which comes from Sweden, particularly that sort called ore ground; but as there are mines in the northern parts of Britain, nearly in the same latitude with those of Sweden, furnished with sufficient quantities of wood, and rivers for mills and engines, it was hardly to be doubted but that people would find metal of the same quality, and, in a few years, be able to prevent the necessity of importing iron either from Sweden or Russia. They inferred, that American iron could never interfere with that which Great Britain imported from Sweden, because it was not fit for edged tools, anchors, chain-plates, and other particulars necessary in ship building; nor diminish the importation of Russian iron, which was not only harder than the American and British, but also could be afforded cheaper than that brought from our own plantations, even though the duty on this last should be removed. The importation of American iron, therefore, duty free, could interfere with no other sort but that produced in Britain, with which, by means of this advantage, it would clash so much, as to put a stop, in a little time, to all the iron-works now carried on in the kingdom, and reduce to beggary a great number of families whom they support. To these objections, the favourers |