DEFENCE OF THE GOVERNOR'S PROCEEDINGS.

439

striven simply to sketch the facts without commenting on them, or passing judgment on parties implicated in them. But there are two points on which he will venture an opinion in opposition to views entertained by some parties in Newfoundland.

The first relates to the conduct of Governor Bannerman in dismissing the Kent Government. It has been said, on the part of that Government, that the reason assigned by His Excellency for the step was only a pretext, enabling him to carry out a meditated purpose, founded on his dislike of the administration. There seems little need to resort to such a ground for the Governor's proceeding, when Mr. Kent's public accusation in the House, which he refused to explain, left to the Queen's representative no other choice than that of displacement.* When

* The following is the simple view which Sir Alexander Bannerman took of the affair, conveyed in a letter to a private gentleman, which the author, with the consent of both parties, has been permitted to use:

'I was accused by the Premier in the House of Assembly, and in the presence of his colleagues, of entering into a conspiracy with judges, lawyers, and a minority of the House, to defeat a useful measure of my Government. I asked for an explanation, and was refused, and if I had not acted as I did, I should not have been worthy of remaining in Her Majesty's service one hour afterwards.

'Ministers have been changed, and parliaments dissolved, very often on slender causes; but Mr. Kent's affair was a serious one. The new system of government which was conceded in 1855, instead of lessening, increases a Governor's responsibility. A bad ministry, with a corrupt majority, may do many things which the Governor cannot help. But I would not for a day continue to administer the government of a colony, unless I had the power to dispense with the services of my ministers and appeal to the

the dismissed ministers say that they were removed to gratify the Governor's feeling of aversion to them, they allege a motive for his conduct which was either known among them previous to his dismissing them, or which has suggested itself as an after conclusion. If the latter be the case, little value can be attached to the imputation. If the former,—if they had reason to know that His Excellency did not like them, then what is to be said of the wisdom of their chief in affording such a palpable opportunity for the manifestation of such dislike?

But further, if it were true that Sir Alexander had conceived a repugnance to his late advisers, that feeling might have one of two characters. It might have been of a personal order, a feeling simply in reference to the men; and even in such a case, the British constitution recognises that the sovereign, and by consequence the sovereign's representative, may have his preferences, and indulge them, providing he will submit his action to the judgment of the people in the exercise of their constitutional rights at the polling-booth, and abide by their decision. On the other hand, the repugnance attributed to Sir Alexander, if it existed, may have been of a public character, arising from the conviction that the ministers and their majority did not represent the opinions and feelings of the country, if fairly tried. In that case,

country. But in doing this a Governor must submit to many things, and look to what the consequences may be to the interests of the people.

'A. BANNERMAN.'

JUSTIFICATION OF EMPLOYMENT OF THE MILITARY. 441

it was his duty to avail himself of an opportunity to make such a fair trial of the matter.

The best defence of the conduct of His Excellency is to be found in two facts: first, that Mr. Hoyles, the leader of the minority in the assembly, undertook to carry on the government, if the constituencies could be impartially appealed to, and protected in the exercise of their electoral rights; and second, when that appeal was made, and that protection afforded, he was able to perform his undertaking. The two districts on which the issue of the contest chiefly depended, and where it was said that the late Government had carried the day by unconstitutional practices, in the last election, returned their opponents,-in one case without a struggle; in the other, where there was a peaceful orderly struggle, in which nearly every constituent gave his vote, by a majority of two to one.

Another point at which exception has been taken is the bringing out of the military on May 13, and the subsequent firing on the riotous mob. It has been said that the step was uncalled for, unconstitutional, would not have been taken but for the animus of the authorities, and will never be taken again in like circumstances. On this subject, the whole matter hinges on the question, whether in any case the military may be called out in aid of the civil power, and whether, when so called out, they may be employed in any other way than as a mere show. If the answer be given in the affirmative, then there can be no doubt that the scenes in St. John's on the day mentioned did call for military intervention, and its

active though melancholy employment to save the city from what threatened to be a night of triumphant anarchy, and perhaps of bloodshedding beyond the measure that unhappily prevailed.*

It was indeed an occasion of wonder and admiration, that the commander of the troops bore so long and so patiently the insulting and injurious treatment to which he and his men were subjected. If any thing were wanting to justify the extreme measure that was at last taken, it was supplied in subsequent proceedings. It taught the rioters that they could not pursue the work of open and organised destruction and rapine in the streets of St. John's-a lesson which, it is believed, they are not likely soon to forget. While, as it was known to the disorderly that the garrison was weak, not more than sufficient for its own defence, and perhaps that of the chief parts of the city, the mob, avoiding the circle where they might come into contact with such defence, resorted to midnight burnings in the outskirts of the town of property belonging to persons against whom their ire had been aroused. Night after night the heavens were lit up by these incendiary flames, peaceful and well-intentioned citizens being deterred by fear from leaving their own houses to render aid in extinguishing them. Amongst the property thus set

*It is pretty well known that the adherents of the several mercantile houses were on the premises with loaded arms, and prepared to use them in case the property was attacked, and many private houses and individuals were furnished with muskets and revolvers, to be determinately employed should an assault be made on them.

COMPLETION OF THE ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH. 443

fire to was that of one of the judges, the college of the Church of England (happily discovered and put out at its commencement), and the country house of Mr. Hoyles, the attorney-general and head of the new Government (a pretty retreat, totally destroyed). It is noticeable that these outrages were brought to a close after the arrival of 200 men from Halifax to strengthen the military force in St. John's.

To those who are in any danger of being led away into mischief by representations that such military intervention is contrary to the ideas of the British Government, it may suffice to refer to a note in the preceding chapter, containing the opinion of Lord John Russell, a liberal and constitutional statesman, that it is the duty of the authorities, when other means fail, to call out the military for the repression of such disorders as have been too rife in Newfoundland. Happily, the administration of those to whom was entrusted the task of first working the system of responsible government was connected with more pleasing events than those which characterised their removal from their posts. Two of the principal of these deserve a brief notice.

Amidst the bright sunshine of the morning of August 5, 1858, the people of St. John's were suddenly thrown into great excitement by the intelligence that the Niagara, with the Atlantic cable, had arrived at Bay of Bulls Arm, Trinity Bay, and that the ocean telegraph had been successfully laid down. This consummation of a great enterprise had been appropriately and solemnly celebrated at the scene of