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Our squadron is now and has been for some time in a condition to confine that of the enemy to his own port, and to favour the operations of our land forces on that frontier. On lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been undisputed, the British squadron lately came into action with the American, commanded by captain Macdonough: it issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy's ships. The best praise of this officer and his intrepid comrades is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory which immortalized another officer, and established, at a critical moment, our command of another lake. On the ocean, the pride of our naval arms has been amply supported a second frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is hidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defended. Captain Porter, who commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sanguinary contest against two ships, one of them superior to his own, and other severe disadvantages, till humanity tore down the colours which valour had nailed to the mast. This officer and his comrades have added much to the glory of the American fag, and have merited all the effusions of gratitude which their country is ever ready to bestow on the champions of its rights and of its safety.

Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by superiority of force, which sufficiently vindicates the reputation of their commanders; whilst two others, one commanded by captain Warrington, the other by captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same class with a gallantry 1814.

and good conduct, which entitled them and their commanders to a just share in the praise of their country.

In spite of the naval forces of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce, and to bring their rich prizes into our ports: contributing thus, with other proofs, to demonstrate the incompetency and the illegality of a blockade, the proclamation of which has been made the pretext for vexing and dis couraging the commerce of neutral powers with the United States.

To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great bodies of militia have been taken into the service of the public defence, and great expenses incurred. That the defence every where may be both more convenient and more economical, congress will see the necessity of immediate measures of filling the ranks of the regular army, and enlarging the provisions for special corps, mounted and dismounted, to be engaged for a longer period of service than are due from the militia. I earnestly renew at the same time a recommendation of such changes in the system of the militia, as by classing and disciplining on the most prompt and active service the portion most capable of it, will give to that resource for the public safety all the requisite energy and efficiency.

A part of the squadron on lake Erie has been extended to lake Huron, and has produced the advantage of displaying our command of that lake also. One object of the expedition was the reduction of Mackinan, which failed, with the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer distinguished for his gallant exploits; and the expedition, ably conducted by both (0)

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land and naval commanders, was otherwise valuable in its effects.

The monies received into the treasury during the nine months ending the 13th of June last amounted to 32 millions of dollars, of which 11 millions were the proceeds of the public revenue, and the remainder derived from loans. The disbursements for public expenditures during the same period exceed 34 millions of dollars, and left in the treasury on the 1st of July near five millions of dollars.

The demands during the remainder of the present year already authorised by congress, and the expenses incident to an extension of the operations of the war, will render it necessary that large sums should be provided to meet them. From this view of the national affairs, congress will be urged to take up without delay, as well the subject of pecuniary supplies, as that of military force, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and character which the war has assumed.

It is not to be disguised that the situation of our country calls for its greatest efforts: our enemy is powerful in men and money, on the land and on the water availing himself of fortunate circumstances, he is aiming with an undivided force a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national existence. He has avowed his purpose of trampling on the usages of civilised warfare, and given earnest of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private property.

In the pride of maritime dominion, and in his thirst of commercial monopoly, he strikes with peculiar animosity at the progress of our navigation and manufactures: his barbarous policy has not even spared those monuments of taste with which our country had enrich

ed and embellished our infant metropolis. From such an adversary, hostility in its greatest force and worst forms may be looked for.The American people will face it with the undaunted spirit which, in their revolutionary war, defeated his unrighteous projects; his threats and his barbarities, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an indignation not to be extinguished but in the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. In providing the means necessary, the national legislator will not distrust the enlightened patriotism of his consti tuents. They will cheerfully and proudly bear every burthen of every kind which the safety and honour of the nation demands.

We have seen them every where give their taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and alacrity: we have seen them rushing with enthusiasm to scenes where danger and duty call; and, offering their blood, they give their surest pledge that no other tribute will be withheld.

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Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added the capture of nearly 1000 American vessels, and the impressment of thousands of seafaring zens, and until a final declaration had been made by the government of Great Britain, that her hostile orders against our commerce would not be revoked but on conditions as impossible as unjust, whilst it was known that these orders would not

otherwise cease but with a war which had lasted nearly 20 years, and which, according to appearance at that time, might last as many more having manifested on every occasion, and in every proper mode, a sincere desire to meet the enemy. on the ground of justice, our resolution to defend our beloved coun

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try, and to oppose to the enemy's persevering hostility all our energy, with an undiminished disposition towards peace and friendship on honourable terms, must carry with it the good wishes of the impartial world, and the best hopes of support from an omnipotent and kind Providence.

JAMES MADISON.

SAXONY.-DECLARATION.

FREDERICK AUGUSTUS, by the grace of God, king of Saxony, duke of Warsaw, &c.

We have just learned with lively feelings of grief that our kingdom of Saxony has been provisionally occupied by the troops of his Prussian majesty.-Firmly resolved never to separate our fate from that of our people; filled with confidence in the justice and magnanimity of the allied sovereigns, and intending to join their alliance as soon as we had the means of doing so, we determined, after the battle of Leipsic, there to await the conquerors. But the sovereigns refused to hear us. We were compelled to depart from our states, and proceed to Berlin. His majesty the emperor of Russia nevertheless made known to us, that our revoval from Saxony was dictated only by military interests, and his majesty at the same time invited us to repose in him entire confidence. We also received from their majesties the emperor of Austria, and the king of Prussia, affecting proofs of interest and sensibility. We were in consequence enabled to cherish the hope, that as soon as these military considerations ceased to operate, we should be reinstated in our rights and restored to our dear subjects...... Far, however, from crediting the reports circulated with regard to the fate of our states since

the epoch of the peace of Paris, we place entire confidence in the justice of the allied monarchs, though it be impossible to penetrate the motives of the proceedings which they have pursued towards us. The conservation and consolidation of legitimate dynasties was the grand object of the war which has been so happily terminated: the coalesced powers accordingly repeatedly proclaimed in the most solemn manner, that, far removed from every plan of conquest and aggrandisement, they had only in view the restoration of the rights and liberties of Europe. Saxony, in particular, received the most positive assurances, that her integrity would be maintained. That integrity essentially includes the conservation of the dynasty for which the nation has publicly manifested its constant attachment, and the unanimous wish to be re-united to its sovereign. ... The inviolability of our rights and of those of our house to the well and justly acquired inheritance of our ancestors, is acknowledged. Our speedy reinstatement ought to be the consequence thereof. We should be wanting to the most sacred duties towards our royal house, and towards our pecple, were we to remain silent under the new measures projected against our states at a moment when we are entitled to expect their restitution. The intention manifested by the court of Prussia, of provisionally occupying our Saxon states, com pels us to forearm our well-founded rights against such a step, and solemnly to protest against the consequences which may be drawn from such a measure.-It is before the congress of Vienna, and in the face of all Europe, that we discharge this duty, by signing these presents with our hand, and at the same time publicly reiterating the declaration, communicated

communicated some time ago to the allied courts, that we will never consent to the cession of the states inherited from our ancestors, and that we will never accept any indemnity or equivalent that may be offered to us.

FREDERICK AUGUSTUS.
Given at Frederickfeld,
Nov. 4, 1814.

PROCLAMATION,

We, CHARLES, by the grace of God, king of Sweden, Norway, of the Goths and Vandals, &c. To all our subjects inhabiting the kingdom of Norway!

We now perform a duty dear to our heart in acquainting you that the national diet of the kingdom of Norway having on the 4th inst. unanimously acknowledged and elected us constitutional king of Norway, we yesterday, by the hands of our well-beloved son, Charles John, crown prince of Sweden and Norway, and generalissimo of the sea and land forces of both kingdoms, deposited with the diet our oath to govern the kingdom of Norway according to its constitution and its laws, and received the oath of the diet to us and to the constitution. The great object of our wishes is thus accomplished, and the last seal is affixed to the union of the two nations of the Scandinavian peninsula. Norwegians! henceforward you have sacred claims on our heart and on our paternal solicitude. Your fidelity and attachment will be the return for the new duties which we have to fulfil towards you, and the most satisfactory reward which a good king can desire. The fundamental law which your representatives have adopted

and which we have solemnly re, ceived and approved, will serve as a guarantee both of your rights and your future prosperity. Bear in mind that these valuable blessings are only to be preserved by respect for religion and social order, and that the sanctity of rights always rests on the faithful performance of the duties thereto attached.-We are aware of the difficulties which we have to surmount; but we en⚫ tertain the consoling hope, that, seconded by the intelligence and energy of patriot-citizens, we shall be enabled successively to efface the remembrance and the effects of a long and disastrous war. It is by encouraging agriculture, by giving to commerce uninterrupted activity, that the public welfare will gradu ally resume new strength. The union between Sweden and Norway collecting in one mass the hitherto divided powers of the two king, doms, furnishes the most powerful motive and the surest means for maintaining peace. The 'nations of the Scandinavian peninsula have within themselves strength to defend their independence and their laws. Beyond its limits they have no real advantage to expect.-May Providence bless our paternal efforts for your happiness! Union of heart and of resolution, obedience to the laws, energy against oppression,such are the surest foundations of the existence of states: it is by them that the north, amidst all future vicissitudes, will maintain its name, its liberty, and glory, defended by the sea and its mountains, and by the courage of its sons.-By the authority of my most gracious sovereingn and lord,

CHARLES JOHN. FISCHER.

in concert with our commissioners, Christiania, Nov. 11, 1814.

LITERARY

LITERARY SELECTIONS

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RETROSPECT.

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