they were attended; how, by offering to some of the confederates separate advantage, by bribing them with the spoliations of their neighbours, France had drawn into an acquiescence with her schemes of aggression, and even into giving her assistance to carry them into execution, those whose existence as independent states depended on a steady and cordial opposition to the system. He hoped that they had how been bettered by the lesson which past events had taught them. When all had been menaced, attacked, and oppressed, he trusted that they would now be convinced that this was no separate cause of England; that this was not a war merely for commerce, or for maritime superiority; but that England really fought, as she declared she did fight, to maintain the independence of others, as well as her own. That truth had come upon them, late indeed, but it had come. He did not remind their lordships of past misfortunes, to damp the joy which they must feel at the altered prospect which now presented itself, but only to animate and increase their exultation, by show ing that that feeling, that conviction, that spirit, appeared at length to have arisen, in which consisted the only real means of independence and safety. It had, indeed, long been evident, that it was only by joint efforts, cordially and vigorously pursued, that France could be brought to confine herself within such limits as were consistent with the safety and independence of her neighbours. There might be differences of opinion, as to the course which was best to be adopt ed, in order to prepare for this joint effort; but there could be no doubt as to the conduct to be adopted when the happy moment arrived. Now, then, when the eyes of Europe were turned with anxious expectation to the first delibera tions of the British parliament, when the whole of the confederated powers were looking with the deepest interest to the decision to be there come to, and the language to be there spoken, he felt it the duty, not only of those who held prominent situations in the government, but also of all who were accustomed to take a part in the debates, clearly and unequivocally to deliver their opinions. He felt that, however humble the individual who spoke, it was important that, though on some points differences did exist, as they always would in a free country, all Europe should know that in this cause there was none; that here there existed but one sentiment, one determined opinion. As long as the united exertions of the confederates were directed to the grand purpose, as it had been well expressed in the speech, of national independence, it was the duty, and would always be the inclination, of this country to assist them with all its strength. So long the interest as well as the honour of Great Britain called upon her to strain every nerve to assist them in their great object. Let it not be supposed, however, that in saying this he was desirous of throwing any obstacle in the way of the attainment of peace. No man expressed a single sentiment adverse to this grand end of all exertions. Peace was the dearest blessing which any government could confer on a country; internal peace the first blessing, external peace the next. This was not only true at all times, but especially so in the present circumstances of Europe, after such a long series of calamities, inflicted upon it, as the speech had well expressed it, by T the insatiable ambition of the ruler of France. There appeared no views of aggrandisement in any other quarter. None could lay that to the charge of the confederates, whose slowness even in resisting aggression, was now matter of regret to themselves, as well as to this country and to Europe. Even in France there was not more than one individual who did not anxiously desire the restoration of peace. But it ought to be well understood, that when peace came it ought to be a real peace, not the shadow but the substance. Too long had Europe been deceived by those partial hollow truces, which gave the semblance of peace, but not the reality. The moment was now come when that sound, which the overwhelming course of events had almost banished from their debates, that sound with which the idea of true substantial peace had always been connected, might again be heard within the walls of that house; he meant the old-fashioned term of a balance of power: and he offered thanks to the Supreme Disposer of events, that he had been permitted to live long enough to see the period, so constantly the object of his most earnest wishes, when his country could with propriety immediately and directly engage in the pursuit of that which, in her foreign politics, it ought always to be her great object to establish-a balance of power. It was not the interest, nor the object, of this country, to oppose itself particularly to any one nation. Its interest was, that such limits should be put to the power of each separate nation, as that it might not be able to carry into execution schemes of unjust aggression. Great Britain had no interest in the dishonour of any nation, or the reduction of its legitimate power. It wished for He had one thing more to say. He hoped their lordships would not do him the injustice to think, that the opinions which he now expressed, were merely the result of exultation at the intelligence which had lately been received. Glorious as that intelligence had been, and interesting to the feelings of every one who wished for the independence of nations, and the restora tion of the balance of power in Europe, these opinions had not been suddenly taken up, nor the result of the events of any parti cular period, but those which he had always held; and which, he trusted, had been manifested in the whole course of his conduct. Long before this intelligence arrived, it was well known to those with whom whom he had been in confidential communication, as to the part now to be taken, that his opinion was, that the existence of such a confederacy called upon this country to exert all its force, and bring forth all its resources, to aid the general cause; that Great Britain ought to be prepared against all chances, and to support the confederacy, not only in success, but even in adversity. This was the advice which he now offered; and though their hopes should be damped for a moment, that ought not to damp their ardour. There was for this country no separate peace, no separate safety. It could only have peace and safety, by the union and confederacy of the nations of Europe to reduce the power of France within its proper limits. If this confederacy should fail, far be the omen from us! but, if it should fail, there was no hope of seeing another during any period that perhaps the youngest of their lordships could reasonably expect to see. This, then, was for the present their last hope, and no possible exertion ought to be omitted that could contribute to the great pur pose of cementing the union of this confederacy, till the grand object of the whole, the independence of Europe, was firmly established. The earl of Liverpool remarked, that important and gratifying as were the events of the continent and of Spain, they were not more gratifying to himself than the unanimity which reigned in that house: the world now had proof that the British parliament the British nation-had the cause of national independence, and of that alone, before them. We had come to a period at which the great political system of the balance of Eu rope might be restored; that balance which was the only foundation for a secure and honourable peace. To what new impulse, it might be asked, after the failure of so many formidable combinations against France, were the late happy successes to be ascribed? He would answer, To that determination to stand or fall with the independence of their country, which the people of the continent had caught from the example of the Peninsula. In the events of 1808 he saw the first germ of a revolution in the affairs of the continent. A new feeling seemed to have at once started into existence. The war of Europe was no longer a military war, it was no longer a war of governments: no, it was a war of the people! The present confederacy was not a confederacy of the representatives of the state, but of the people. His sanguine hopes had been laid on the principle of national policy, and on that broad principle his most sanguine expectations had not been deceived. His lordship then took an animated view of the contest both in Spain and Germany, and declared his reason for so doing was to show that the policy by which the present government had been actuated, was founded on sentiments of national independence, that independence they had seen grow up in t Spain and strengthen in Russia, till, by the coalition of other states, it became irresistible. The vigorous efforts which had been made in this great cause were not to be relaxed. The more vigorous our efforts, the more moderate might our policy be. It was not because the enemy had met with disasters, that he was to be excluded from the advantage of those principles which are consistent with justice. He was not not to be asked to accept terms, which were we in his situation would seem unjust; but it was manifest that Europe could have no security until his power was reduced to those limits suitable to the preservation of the balance of Europe. Peace would be secure and durable when every power could be left in such a situation as to be able to assert its own independence. Such were the sentiments of the prince regent; and such sentiments, he doubted not, would receive the approbation of parliament and of the country. The question was put, and unanimously carried. House of commons.-On the return from the house of lords, the speaker read the speech of the prince regent from the chair. The earl of Compton then rose to move the address. After some previous observations, his lordship remarked, that the battle of Leipsic was unparalleled in the history of ancient or modern Europe. The effects of it were not to be calculated. The rescue of the continent from slavery, the restoration of commerce, of agriculture, of hap. piness, of peace, would probably follow it. This might, indeed, be to England a just cause of exultation: it would be owed to that unyielding perseverance with which she had opposed herself to despotism; to that determined perseverance with which his majesty's ministers had pursued the system laid down, and acted upon, by that great statesman Mr. Pitt. He could not withhold his humble applause to the magnanimity of the emperor Alexander, and the bravery and skill of the prince royal of Sweden. Nor would he omit the name of general Moreau; a name rendered illustrious, not only by the rancorous hostility of the ruler of France, but by a life of valour ; by his efforts for the good of his country and of Europe. He lived for liberty, and he nobly expired in a struggle to maintain it. The prospect in the Peninsula was equally cheering. The French armies were expelled from Spain, and the territories of the enemy were threatened. The people of France might now see that their boasted chief had neither power nor foresight to pres vent their country from being polluted by the foot of the invader. The house must rejoice with him, that the ancient ties between this country and Austria had been renewed. With respect to America, no one could lament the evils which she endured from a war brought upon her by her own misguided councils: she exhibits the strange spectacle of a republic in alliance with the most tyrannical despo tism that ever cursed mankind. If. America laid the flattering unction to her soul, that she was not in alliance with France, did she not assist the views of the French ruler { Canada was, nevertheless, protected from her attacks by the bravery and vigilance of British troops. The commerce of the United States was destroyed: her ports blocked up, and her boasted navy was awakened from its dream of mari. time superiority, by the thunder of the Shannon. In Britain the loom and the shuttle were again in mo tion: we again possessed commerce abroad, and industry at home. Our fields were blessed with a plentiful harvest, and our towns were full of a busy and contented people. In contemplating these sources of congratulation, he could not but wish the illustrious statesman (Mr. Perceval) had survived to behold the success, the prosperity, and the glory glory which resulted from that perseverance, and those efforts, in which he had borne so large a share. The noble lord, in con cluding, moved an address to the prince regent. Mr. Charles Grant, in a speech of some length, in which he went over the same topics with the noble mover of the address, seconded the motion. Mr. Whitbread rose to join in the unanimous sentiment that prevailed in the house; but his approbation of the prince regent's speech was qualified with an exception, which he should mention before he sat down. He was satisfied with the spirit of moderation which reigned in the speech, and with the conduct of government towards the allies: feeling thus, he would not be be. trayed into controversy even by the unguarded expressions of the honourable seconder and noble mover of the address. It would not be manly in him, however, if he did not enter his protest against the opinion they had expressed of the system of policy pursued by a celebrated statesman now no more (Mr. Pitt). The noble lord had asserted, that the triumphs which now graced the cause of Europe, sprang from the deep and wise plans laid by the illustrious rival of Mr. Fox, and followed up by his successors. Now he was convinced, that had the opinions of Mr. Fox been adopted, Europe would have been spared those calamities, the expected termination of which excited such just triumph. He had heard it openly asserted that evening, that general Moreau had all his life fought for the liberties of mankind: if so, England must have fought against them; for Moreau had been eminently and successfully employed in many instances against the allies of Great Britain. The same might be said of Bernadotte, to whose recent exertions in the common cause no one was more willing than he to pay an ample tribute of praise, and which, he thought, ministers were entitied to share, for the confidence they had uniformly placed in him even in the most dubious circumstances. The hon. gentleman was also pleased with the confidence placed by ministers in the illustrious commander of our troops in the Peninsula, and lamented that the statesman who had selected him, and of whom they had been deprived by a foul act of assassination, did not live to see realized those expectations he had formed of his genius. With respect to America, he should reserve his sentiments till a future opportunity. He rejoiced to learn from the speech, that in any conditions of peace which might be proposed to France, the honour of that country, as a great nation, would be respected. The present alliance against France had not been brought about as former ones had been; it origi nated in a sense of common necessity, by the grinding of universal oppression; and this unexpected change of circumstances afforded a most useful lesson to all govern. ments. When France overthrew with such facility all the governments of the continent, the people were disaffected, and labouring under grievances: but the dominion of France proved more intolerable still; and that spirit inherent to mankind-the spirit of resistance to oppression-made the people of those countries rise against their new tyrant, whom they have now reduced to such a situation, that nothing short of madness could prevent him from listening to terms of peace. As to the terms offered to France, previously to the re-com mencement |