the noble duke resolved only to pay half the rates, they allowed him but half the patronage, and gave the other half of it to the person who paid the remainder. This was most undoubtedly a corrupt consideration for the return of members in parliament. The corporation were not trustees for the people of Helston, to make the election a source of profit and emolument to them but they were trustees for the people of England, to return proper members to parliament. As far as rested in them and in the people of Helston, the corruption was complete.

The bill was then read a second time.

Lord Palmerston in a committee of supply, after shortly stating that the increase of the army in the present year had been 9,000 men, and that the expense to be provided for would be about 8,640,000l., said, that there were many details that he did not wish to go into before the annual mutiny bill was passed. At present, all that was wanting was six millions, on account of the expenses which had been stated. He concluded by moving, first, that the number of troops, exclusive of garrisons and the troops employed in India, should be 236,697. His second resolution was, that six millions should be granted on account of the expense of our troops at home and abroad.-Agreed to. '-Adjourned.

Nov. 23.-Lord Castlereagh proposed some further arrangements of the domestic military force, the principal feature of which was to enable the crown to accept the service of the local militia out of their counties, in order to supply the place of the large portion of regular militia which is allowed to serve abroad. The utmost time during

which they are to be on service out of their counties is six weeks; besides which, there are to be some restrictions as to place. The militias of England and Ireland are also to be allowed to be interchanged, with less limitation than at present. Provision is also to be made for pensions to non-commissioned offi cers of militia, and for an addition of pay to the surgeons of this species of force. An addition is also proposed to be made to the 60th regiment, which being composed of foreigners, is now restricted by law to a limited number.

Mr. Whitbread said, never was there a more favourable opportunity for the employment of the whole military force of the country

never, most happily, was there, more internal peace and tranquillity, The abundant harvest with which we had been favoured, had caused that cheapness which, co-operating with returning employment to our manufacturers, had dried up all the sources of discontent. The discontents thus appeased, proved satisfactorily that those disturbances had arisen in necessity alone. One voice, from the centre to the circumference of the empire, called on them to exert all their force in the assistance of the Dutch. The war was now their own-a war of the people-no longer a war of sovereigns. It was because that was not a war of the Prussian people, that the Prussian monarchy was overturned at Jena. It was that this was a war of the Prussian people, that the Prussian monarchy now existed. It was that the Russian people would not suffer (as it is said) their government to accept terms of peace, that the mighty army which entered the Russian territory never returned. It was that the people of Sweden got rid

of

of a government which was unfit to rule them, by a bloodless revolution, and elected from the French armies that great captain, who was enabled to contend with him by whom he had formerly been commanded, that they saw the glorious results of the battles which had been fought. It was that the energies of the people of France were called forth by the revolution, that the French ruler had possessed the power which he so lately wielded. It was, that these energies were spent under his despotism-that, with the aid of his inordinate ambition, this mighty power crumbled to dust in his hands., The people of England, he doubted not, would give to the crown any power which might be directed to so holy a cause. But in assisting others we should not forget ourselves. We should recollect, that however necessary events might have rendered these measures, they put in the power of the crown more influence than was possessed by it at any former period of our history. This he said only as a monitory reflection to the house but he gave his consent to the measure; and if the consent of an individual was valuable, it was the more valuable because he gave it with his eyes open to its inconveniences.

:

Leave was then given to bring in four bills, for the purposes enumerated in the speech of the noble lord.-Adjourned.

Nov. 24. The speaker informed the house, that the royal assent had been given by commission to the militia volunteering bill.

Mr. Bankes proposed, that the blank in the Helston election bill respecting the amount of freehold, which would give a qualification to vote, should be filled up by insert ing "ten pounds." He argued at

some length on the great depreciation of money since forty shillings was the qualification.

Mr. Swan contended, that the effect of such an alteration would be to disqualify the many who were the furthest removed from corruption, and give the elective franchise to those who were the most corrupt. It was notorious, that in Cornwall it was among the most opulent that corruption had taken the deepest root, and established itself into a system. He believed that there was not a peer in Cornwall who did not hold his rank from corruption of this sort.

A long conversation took place. It appeared to be the general sense of the house, that it was better to retain the common qualification; and Mr. Bankes's amendment was negatived, and the bill after going through both houses was passed into a law.

House of lords, Nov. 26.-In the cause Dempster and others against the magistrates and inhabitants of St. Andrew's, in behalf of themselves and all those who chose to play at the game of golf on St. Andrew's links, sir S. Romilly and Mr. Brougham were heard for the appellants, and Mr. Adam and Mr. Horner for the respondents. The object of the original action was to prevent St. Andrew's links from being converted into a rabbitwarren; the apprehension of which had (as Mr. Brougham stated it) thrown the whole civilized world into the utmost alarm; and subscriptions had even been entered into at Calcutta to maintain the action. Golf was described to be a national Scotch game, upon which the lord chancellor expressed his satisfaction, that there was no ground in England, south of Northumberland, where the soil was so bad,

and

and the grass so thin, that it could be played. It was stated at the bar, that the game was often played on Blackheath. The complaint being, that rabbits injured the golf course by scraping and scratching it, his lordship asked, whether it was not the nature of Scotch rabbits to scratch better than the English rabbits? Further proceedings in the cause postponed.

The royal assent was given by commission to the malt duty, loan, and local token bills.

House of commons, Nov. 26.On the question for the second reading of the marine mutiny bill,

Mr. Bennett expressed some surprise at this bill being hurried through at such an early period in the session.

Sir George Warrender said, that it was necessary that the marines, when serving on shore, should be subject to regulations similar to those of the land forces. The objection in point of time would have been better when his noble friend (lord Castlereagh) moved the annual mutiny bill.

Mr. Manners Sutton observed, that when the house had come to the resolution of the number of men to be voted for the service of the year, it appeared almost a matter of course, that the mutiny bill should be brought in for their regulation.

Mr. Whitbread admitted the necessity of presenting the army estimates at an earlier period this year than what was usual, but he could see no necessity for passing a mutiny bill now, when there was one existing which would continue in force to the 25th of March. The mutiny bill was one which parliament always looked to with the greatest vigilance; and it was from its great importance that it was

voted annually, and, in general, buta short time before the expiration of the existing act. If, however, the noble lord (Castlereagh) would say, that in the particular circumstances of the present times, it would be much more convenient for the government to have the mutiny bill for 16 months instead. of 12, he should not object to it. It had been hinted, that the adjournment would probably be so long as not to leave sufficient time to pass the mutiny bill after the recess. If the noble lord did for that, or other reasons, conceive it would be particularly expedient for the public service that the bill should be now passed, he had no objection.

Lord Castlereagh admitted that the bill was brought forward much earlier in the session than was usual, and that this circumstance was a fair subject of parliamentary observation. In the present circumstances however, and considering the state of public business, he would say that it was in the contemplation of the ministers of the crown to adjourn to a period so near the beginning of March, as to make it inconvenient to have the mutiny bill then to pass before the 25th. It certainly had been usual for parliament to keep this great measure of control over the army in their own hands, and to postpone the bill until a very short time before the expiration of the last act. There had been cases where this had been run so close, that there were doubts in Ireland, and the more distant parts of the united kingdom, whether the mutiny act were in exist

ence or not.

Mr. Whitbread was satisfied with the reasons of the noble lord; but if it was to be an adjournment, and not a prorogation, he thought the intention of the ministers of the

crown

Lord Castlereagh said, that as the crown had certainly the power of proroguing parliament for what time it judged expedient, he believed it was by no means unusual for it to signify its wish as to the period of an adjournment. There was no reason to apprehend that the house would refuse to accede to that wish, or drive the crown to the necessity of a prorogation.

The bill was then read a second time.

The 10 millions of exchequer bills bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time to. morrow.

The chancellor of the exchequer rose for the purpose of proposing an additional duty of 6s. 6d. per hundred weight on East India sugar imported into this country, so as to make a difference of ten shillings a hundred weight, as a protecting duty in favour of the West India interests. On the other hand a much greater facility would be given to them to re-export their sugar from this county. This advantage, as well as the decrease of freight, by throwing open the trade, would probably balance the duty now laid on. He, however, wished to propose, that whenever the market-price of sugar appeared in the Gazette above 60s. per hundred weight, the duty should be taken off as it exceeded that price, so that if sugar should exceed 70s., the whole 10s. laid on East India sugar should be taken off. This would be making it act strictly as a protecting duty, without injuring the supply. He concluded by moving his resolution, which was agreed to.

House of lords, Nov. 29.-Lord Redesdale presented a bill for the

Lord Ellenborough moved the second reading of his temporary bill for the relief of insolvent debtors.

Lord Holland expressed his hope that the second reading of this bill would not be pressed. It went to repeal the permanent bill of last session; and when another bill for the amendment of that bill was in progress, he did not think the house ought to entertain the temporary bill, as, by agreeing to the princi ple of that bill, they would in some measure pledge themselves to repeal the bill of last session.

Lord Ellenborough only wished to forward his bill, with a view to have it in such a state that it might pass this session, in case the expla natory and amending bill should not be found sufficient for that purpose.

Lord Redesdale stated, that his amended bill contained clauses for removing the difficulties in regard to the assignees, for enabling the quarter sessions to discharge debtors in the distant counties by order of the commissioners, which latter provision would in a great measure obviate the objection in regard to the expense of bringing up debtors from the different gaols to town. The expenses of the execution of the whole of this bill would soon be brought under the review of the legislature, and the expense of removing debtors from the distant gaols would then be provided for. The objection to the bill of the noble and learned lord was, that the house, by reading it a second time, assented to the principle, which went to the repeal of the permanent insolvent debtors' bill. There appeared an indisposition to

carry