from the sphere of public opinion? If so, it is debased below the standard of almost every other. To urge that it serves merely for the amusement of the public, is not to meet the question; for, this is not an adequate view of its nature and ends, and the impunity of bad example being the evil to be averted, it ought to be, from the general reason, subjected to the common control. But, it is not treated justly, nor generously, nor wisely, when it is either directly or by implication denied, in this country, all respectability; since, for the most part, the players on the American boards have merited esteem for their private deportment, and in a few instances only, given public scandal. Abroad, their pursuit has, indeed, been more dishonoured and depreciated; yet there, almost every theatre has possessed members who have maintained unexceptionable characters, and held a certain rank in society; and no where, have they, particularly those of eminence, been suffered to pass without marks of public reprehension and odium, after being convicted of grossly immoral and ignominious conduct.

Since the drama cannot be altogether suppressed, even such citizens as deem it in itself a mischief, should wish to see its professors more or less reputable as individuals; considering that, in proportion to their creditableness, will it be the less injurious, and the benefit of which it may be capable, the more certainly educed. And this wish must be lively and is but consistency, with the friends and advocates of the theatre, who contend that it is absolutely a good, and ascribe to it an important agency in improving the understanding and the heart. They will see at once, that for the support of their theory, the personal character of the actor is by no means immaterial, and should be held in subjection to public sentiment.

Whatever may be affirmed as to the moral and social

consequence or insignificance of the heroes and heroines of the stage, it is certain that, in the exercise of their profession, they stand out, even personally, in bolder relief, and more affect and engage the minds of a large portion of the community, than the individuals of almost any other class-and hence, it would seem to be especially important and desirable, that they should not be prosperous examples of convicted villany. The most forcible motives for the general discountenance and proscription of profligacy, apply to them in every situation. With regard to the proper treatment, it is certainly, not personal violence nor mobbish tumult; it is neglect; abandonment; the sacrifice of curiosity and the pleasure which might be derived from their exhibitions, to self-respect, public obligation, and the regeneration or credit of the stage. If the particular culprit comes from another country,—a fugitive from a just public outcry there,-additional reasons, upon which we need not dwell at present, offer themselves for exercising most rigidly in relation to him, the duty and policy already mentioned.

UNDERSELLING.

We do not know a class of " dealers," whom the liberal part of the community should more particularly discountenance, than those who purposely incur loss or expose themselves to it, by underselling or underworking, in order to destroy the business of others, which they cannot fairly rival, and which yields but a reasonable or moderate profit. It must be a miserably selfish and grovelling nature that can attempt to undermine the livelihood of a fellow-citizen, honestly and industriously acquired: no palliation for such an attempt is to be found except in

utter necessity,-the pressure of extreme poverty, producing a desperate, reckless spirit. When it proceeds,— as frequently happens,-from the mere jealousy of trade, from envy of decent success,—dolor alienæ felicitatis,— it bears a truly malignant and despicable character.

Fair, earnest competition cannot be blamed; but on the contrary may be respected and encouraged as ministerial to the perfection of the arts, to the convenience of the whole public, to the animation of skill, intelligence and industry. Very different, however, from that, is the resolution to crush, if possible, at any cost, a prosperity which has been built on a just foundation ;-to enable the customers who, in contributing to it, have been fully requited, to obtain their objects gratis, or at a price below the proper standard. Whoever is capable of this scheme of prostration, whether from sheer wantonness of malice, or actuated by the desire of rising on the ruins of a flourishing predecessor, would, perhaps, commit a direct robbery, or blast a deserved reputation, whenever this wickedness could be committed with impunity. Under any circumstances, or in what form of indulgence soever, the propensity to take a sordid or base advantage,―to pursue merit and honourable success with hate and hostility, to sicken or repine at the welfare of any individual or part of our species-must be viewed as degenerate and vicious, as akin to that mood in which the Prince of Darkness looked upon the felicity of our first parents in Paradise-when "on the tree of life" he "sat like a cormorant,"

We have been prompted to the foregoing remarks, by some complaints from correspondents, which we believe to be authentic. In condemning undersellers or under

workers, of the description thus denounced, we cannot refrain from accusing such customers, or other persons, as consent to profit by their illiberal or foul artifice, of a want of generosity or reflection. No respectable mind should seek to obtain service or benefit without paying its usual and right equivalent: the doctrine that we may get what we can, no matter at whose cost, is false and immoral in itself, injurious in its main tendency to the general weal and mutual kindness of a community; and especially unbecoming and loose when, in acting upon it, we serve the ends of the covetous, the envious, the spiteful, or the desperate. It is for the advantage of every substantial citizen, that established and ingenious industry, peculiar efforts and talents, sustained and durable enterprise in business, should permanently thrive-a result not to be expected, unless the heads and operatives of all classes, who can afford to pay for what they require, continue to do so duly and steadfastly.

SOCIAL OPPRESSION.

DR. CHANNING, in an excellent discourse before the Legislature of Massachusetts, has noticed, as a prominent trait of the times, the widely extended practice of forming societies for the accomplishment of particular public or private ends, cherished by many or a few. In fact, it is enough merely to suggest a real or fancied object of moral or religious utility, or social discipline, to cause a certain number of people to band and confederate accordingly.

There are three kinds of liberty,-political, civil, and social or domestic. The last mentioned may be as important to the independence, self-respect, and general comfort of individuals, as either of the two former. Now,

the institution of so many associations in reference to matters within its range or essence, tends to impair it in a considerable degree and with much annoyance.

A

The confederacies, or self-created tribunals, do not, indeed, wield the sword, light the fagot, or tie the rope,they use no direct force, inflict no physical pains; but these are not the only means of coercion and tyranny,of destroying the just freedom of will or action. general denial of favour,-a common frown,-an implied excommunication,—many indirect influences,—contribute to raise power for leagues of respectable composition and fair professions, which the members could never possess individually and separately. United, they can cry down or cry up; employ a heavier purse; recruit a multitude of partners, and virtually overawe and coop others, though they may not intend or exercise absolute dictation.

We would not disparage any of the great societies for charitable or religious purposes; but we would incite the public to be jealous of the multiplication of such as any set of men, or a few individuals, so easily contrive to establish, in order to carry a favourite point of alleged social reform. Under the widest theory of political and civil rights, we may find ourselves insensibly abridged of all social liberty; degradingly involved in the closest meshes or the most restrictive spell of influences, as to personal freedom of sentiment and conduct. The republican American, while boasting of his constitutional and legal privileges, may finally become subject to a discipline as severe almost as that of the Trappists, or the slavery of any resident in a country where Inquisition and Censorship compel universal conformity to doctrines and observances prescribed by ambition, fanaticism, and the lust of gain or rule.