New overture from the king. Jan. 26-31.'

Charles himself appears to have seen that much additional injury had been done to his cause by the detection of this artifice; and, accordingly, he now proceeded so far in the way of concession as to propose that the militia should be assigned to commissioners nominated solely by the two houses, who should retain their trust, as previously required, for seven years ; that the parliament should also appoint a lord high admiral, the officers of state, and judges, for life, and that acts of oblivion should be passed in both kingdoms. And as, even with these concessions before them, the Scots commissioners were slow in coming to an agreement with the two houses upon many other matters which required adjustment, Charles, at length, proffered to disband his forces, and to remove to London, confiding in the generosity or the justice of the parliament for the nature of the settlement to be resolved upon.

"I

It was on the twenty-third of March that the king made this overture, and in a letter written by him to lord Digby, only three days later, we learn the intentions with which it was accompanied. "Now for my own particular resolution," he writes, " I am endeavouring to get to London, so that the conditions may be such as a gentleman may own; and that the rebels may acknowledge me king, being not without hope that I shall be able to draw either the presbyterians or independents to side with me for extirpating one the other, that I shall be really king again. I will conclude with this assurance, that whatever becomes of me, by the grace of God, I will never forsake the church, my friends, or my crown

*

גי!

The commons needed not half the sagacity which they possessed in order to perceive the probability, or, in fact, the certainty, that Charles would be found to act on the policy set forth in this letter if admitted to the capital before the completion of some definite and solemn compact. Accordingly, instead of encouraging his approach without the

Dr. Lingard has also in his possession the original warrant of the twelfth of March, with the king's signature and private seal, bearing the arms of the three kingdoms, a crown above, and C. R. on the sides, and indorsed in the same handwriting with the body of the warrant, "The earl of Glamorgan's especial warrant for Ireland.” Dr. Lingard thinks it probable that his MS., bearing date the twelfth of January, is the very same which Glamorgan gave to Ormond after his arrest. Both documents are to the same effect. x. 472-478.

It is in the following terms that Clarendon speaks on this subject when writing to secretary Nicholas :-"I must tell you I care not how little I say in that business of Ireland," referring to his intended history, "since those strange powers and instructions given to your favourite Glamorgan, which appears to me so inexcusable to justice, piety, and prudence. And I fear there is very much in that transaction of Ireland, both before and since, that you and I were never thought wise enough to be advised with in. Oh! Mr. Secretary, those stratagems have given me more sad hours than all the misfortunes in war which have befallen the king, and look like the effects of God's anger towards us." Clarendon Papers, ii. 337. The whole, according to Glamorgan, was so done, that "the king might have a starting hole to deny the commissions, if excepted against by his own subjects." Ibid. 201, 202. Rushworth, vi. 239–249.

* Carte's Ormond, iii. 452.

protection of that preliminary, they passed a resolution, declaring, that should he venture within the lines of the metropolis, means should be immediately employed to prevent tumult, and all resort to him-and, as an amendment of the lords, " to secure his person from danger." The royalists, who came to the city and its neighbourhood, at this crisis, in great numbers from all parts, were prepared to join in any enterprise which promised to give strength to their expiring cause; and they everywhere denounced the distrust of the king expressed by the commons as the pretext of ambition. But there was firmness enough in the lower house to resist the pressure that would have forced them into the path of danger, whether proceeding from the sinister purposes of their enemies, or from the imperfect discernment of their friends *.

Oxford now began to be an unsafe residence for the king, and no time was to be lost in choosing the party upon which to throw himself. His first overture was to the independents, Escape of Charles from through sir Harry Vane, in which he declared, that should Oxford. presbyterianism "be too strongly insisted upon," on his coming to London, all his power should be employed "in rooting that tyrannical government out of the kingdom +." But he soon found that his character was less acceptable to that party than to their opponents, and that their greater distrust of his professions was a strong barrier in the way of all advantage from that quarter. In the mean while, the forces of the parliament were approaching nearer to Oxford from different points; and the dangers which presented themselves to his view disposed him to entertain the thought of making his appearance in the Scottish camp-trusting that the sight of a king, with all the signs of his departed greatness about him, would call forth a feeling, which it might be in his power to use so as to procure a settlement on the points at issue more favourable to his wishes than could be otherwise obtained. It was only by this expedient that he could hope to avoid the necessity of subscribing to the covenant.

The Scots, through Montreville, the French ambassador, had intimated their willingness to receive the king, but it was to be with not more than three attendants, and in a manner that was to have the appearance of his being made captive while on his way toward Scotland. But this plan was frustrated by the delay and vacillation of the monarch; and when the prince who had so long governed these realms almost by his single will, and who had of late traversed the length and breadth of England at the head of powerful armies, found himself obliged to leave Oxford, so reduced was his condition, that he consulted his safety by disguising himself as the servant of Mr. Ashburnham. Following that gentleman, and a clergyman named Hudson, who was of the party principally on account of his being well acquainted with the cross roads, Charles bade farewell to the city which had been honoured as the resiJournals, March, April, passim. + Clarendon Papers, ii. 227.

dence of his court, on the twenty-seventh of April, about the hour of midnight. His council, who were not ignorant of his departure, were left in uncertainty concerning his plans, and the point toward which his steps would be directed. Their strongest impression appears to have been that his inclination would lead him toward London, and it is certain that he continued his journey with little variation in the direction of the capital until he came almost within sight of it. It had been one of his projects to enter the city in disguise, and to remain concealed there; but the dangers of such an adventure seemed to thicken as the moment for entering upon it drew near.

Having passed through Brentford, Charles instructed Ashburnham and Hudson to turn from the main road toward Harrow, and, with a portmanteau behind him on his horse, followed them through by-roads to the neighbourhood of St. Albans, and at the close of the second day the party reached Market-Harborough. At this place the king hoped to have met Montreville, or an escort of horse, and, thus protected, it is not improbable that he would still have passed into Scotland to Montrose; but his arrangement with the French ambassador had not been understood, or not acted upon at the proper time. It is supposed that the unhappy prince never felt the evils of his condition so acutely as at this moment. From Market-Harborough he journeyed to Stamford, from Stamford to Downham, and having passed four days at the latter place, in a state of great sufferScots. May 5. ing from the want of some steady persuasion as to the best course of action, he at length determined on proceeding to the Scottish army which then lay before Newark.

Surrenders himself to the

The flight of the king gave rise to many conjectures and alarms both in the parliament and the city. When letters arrived stating that he was with the Scots army, the commons came to a vote requiring that his person should be given up to be disposed of by the authority of parliament. Warwick castle was named as a proper residence for the present *.

*Rushworth, vi. 267. et seq. As a means of disguising himself Charles parted with his long hair, and a barber whom he employed at Downham complained much of the unworkmanlike manner in which the scissars had been applied. Ibid. Clarendon, Hist. v. 363-394. State Papers, ii. 220-230.

A. D. 1646.]

CHARLES I.

425

CHAPTER X.

of affairs at

General view

this period.

General view of affairs at this period-Passive conduct of the King-His adherence to Episcopacy-Disputes with Henderson-His position with respect to the two great parties-Meditates an escape from the Scots-Comparative strength of the Presbyterians and Independents - Presbyterian form of Church Government established - Modified by the Independents-Discontent Intolerant act against Blasphemy-Several of of the Presbyterian Clergythe Propositions rejected by the King passed as Ordinances-The Scots surrender the King to the English Parliament-Relative position of Parties in England from that time-Confidence of the Presbyterians-Complaints of the Army- Advances towards the Capital-Deputation from the ParliamentViolent measures of the Presbyterians-Second Deputation-The Officers are interdicted from acting with the Men in seeking a redress of GrievancesRise of the Agitators - Letter addressed by them to their Generals and the Commons-Third Deputation-Votes of the Commons to disband-Further advance of the Army, and a refusal to disband-Conciliatory votes of the two Houses The Army obtains possession of the King's person-The Engagement adopted-A fourth Deputation-The Army resolves on advancing to LondonSubmission of the City and Parliament-Declaration of the Army, accusation of eleven Members-Excitement in the City -Votes extorted from the Parliament by Tumult-Scheme for the settlement of the Constitution prepared by the Army -Submitted to the King, and rejected-The Army enters London. FROM this period, the supreme authority openly acknowledged by the people of England, was no longer divided, according to local feeling or circumstances, between the king and the parliament. The condition of the sovereign became in effect that of a private person, and the two houses exercised the functions of an independent commonwealth. But these powers were too recent in their origin, and the parties who wielded them were too little agreed among themselves, to allow of their working without hindrance or disorder. The puritan spirit, with its ardent love of freedom up to a certain point, and its lamentable intolerance with respect to every thing beyond it, still animated the presbyterian body in both kingdoms; while the independents, as they gradually rose into importance, by the sagacity which they brought to the management of public affairs, hardly less than by their exploits in the field, became more fixed and definite in their demands on the side of the rights of conscience, and of a more equal liberty. The army under Fairfax, consisting of twenty-two thousand men, was made up almost entirely from the independents, and greatly outnumbered the presbyterians, who were in arms under Massey and Poyntz. The independents could also boast at this juncture of a small majority on many questions even in the house of commons; but the city was still mostly presbyterian, and found its great ally in the Scots army, which, by possessing the king's person, had become capable of negociating with increased authority. Added to which, as a further element of probable discord, the royalists, though The number of the slain in the scattered, were by no means extinct. late struggle was comparatively small, and the passions of those who

survived the conflict must have been rather exasperated than allayed by what had befallen them.

In Scotland, the marquis of Montrose, by a series of rapid achievements, had revived the hopes of this party, and though the reverses which attended him had followed in as quick succession, it was the great hope of Charles in surrendering himself to the Scots, that he might be able to induce the leaders of that army to take part with Montrose, for the purpose of humbling the pride of the independents and putting down the sectaries. With respect to Ireland, the possession of Dublin, and of some other places of strength, constituted almost the only power of the government in that country, much the greater part of it being in subjection to the insurgent catholic confederacy. As soon as the battle of Naseby afforded the opportunity and the means, it became the concern of the parliament that vigorous measures should be adopted for the full restoration of the English government in that island, and the command of forces for that object was entrusted to viscount Lisle; but at the present moment the fate of these arrangements was uncertain*. Charles was not ignorant that in the circumstances now enumerated there were difficulties sufficient to exercise all the genius and energy of his opponents, and he resolved to watch the elements of conflict about him, so as to derive his advantage from the perplexities and collisions which must very soon occur. In the Scottish camp he found himself treated as a prisoner, in consequence of refusing the covenant; and within a fortnight of his appearance there, the English parliament manifested its jealousy of the army from Scotland, by declaring that its services were no more required south of the Tweed. The estates at Edinburgh feared the probable intrigues of the king with their officers hardly less than the commons at Westminster, and sent some of their most trusty members to employ all proper means in order that the monarch might be brought without delay to the terms of the covenant, and the public tranquillity be preserved. On the matter of the covenant they employed their powers in vain; but at their instance the king issued orders which required Montrose to disband his forces, and transport himself to France; which called upon the garrisons holding Oxford, Worcester, and all other fortified places under his banner, to surrender them; and which instructed Ormond to abstain from any conditional treaty with the Irish insurgentst.

Passive conduct of the king.

Charles knew while he thus wrote that the treaty with the catholic confederates was already completed; and there is a secret letter which he found means to send at this time to the queen, the prince of Wales, and others, which discloses his state of mind while issuing these orders, and makes it difficult indeed to suppose that he was *Rushworth, vi. 228, 229, 239-249. Montrose's Memoirs, 162-208. + Rushworth, vi. 270–308. passim.