though unequal, he was certainly capable of imparting to his works some features both of beauty and grandeur. His principal works are seen at Greenwich, in the chapel at Whitehall, and in the hall and chapel of Lincoln's Inn; but the watergate at York-buildings is regarded as his most beautiful production. Science. With respect to the natural sciences, nearly everything relating to their state during this period may be found in the writings of Bacon. It was reserved to the genius of that extraordinary man to direct the scientific mind, not only of his country, but of Christendom, into the true path of knowledge; to call the attention of men from metaphysical abstraction to the facts of nature; and in this manner to perform the two most important services that could be rendered to the future world of philosophy,-first, by indieating how much it had to unlearn, and how much to acquire; and secondly, by pointing out the method in which the one process and the other might be successfully conducted. This was not to be done, except by a mind well informed as to the existing state of scientific knowledge, and one which might furnish from the stores of its own intelligence many of the seeds of positive improvement. But the object of Bacon was less to effect a marked progress in any one field of inquiry, than to show how the whole might be cultivated so as to exclude the thorn and the briar, and to make the soil productive in a hundred fold. The conclusions admitted into the Baconian system of knowledge were all to be deduced from the ascertained facts of the physical universe, and from these facts selected in sufficient numbers, and so far examined and compared, as to impart to the conclusions deduced from them the character of certainty and law. The dependence, accordingly, of this system on the most rigid and comprehensive processes of experiment has obtained for its illustrious author the title of the Father of Experimental Philosophy." Not that experimentthe examination of nature's self-the interrogating, as it is called, of her appearances, had been hitherto wholly neglected. The name of Roger Bacon, and the history of alchemy, are enough to show the contrary; and, while Galileo was the contemporary of our great countryman, Kepler, Tycho Brahe, and Copernicus were among his predecessors; and Gilbert had investigated the laws of magnetism upon the purest principles of rigorous induction. But, unhappily, the experiments made were, generally speaking, so isolated, so devoid of comprehensiveness and system; and, above all, the metaphysics of the Schoolmen were allowed to dominate so injuriously over the whole region of physical things, that the rays of truth which had been elicited by this means were too often made to do the office of the ignis fatuus, rather than any better service. Hence what the age of Luther was in regard to our religious faith, the age of Bacon was in regard to the whole domain of natural science. Both had their precursors, but both had so great a work to perform as to be justly esteemed the parents of the mighty revolution which followed them. Boyle, Locke, and Newton, have their place among the illustrious progeny of our great scientific reformer; while on the continent, the progress of the human intellect during the two most enlightened centuries in the history of mankind has only served to render it certain that the name of Bacon will never cease to attract the homage of civilized humanity. ; CHARLES THE FIRST. CHAPTER I. Character of Charles I. on his accession--A new parliament-State of parties, the lords, the commons, court party, country party, including the patriots and Puritans-Proceedings of parliament-Petition against the Catholics-Case of Dr. Montague-Cautious temper of the commons-The recess—Proceedings in parliament at Oxford-Delays of the commons-Impatience of the king-Parliament dissolved-Conduct of the king's first parliament considered—Attack on Cadiz— Disagreement with respect to the Queen's attendants-Negotiations with foreign powers-Preparations for assembling a second parliament-Conduct of Charles towards Arundel and Bristol-Its impolicy-The Commons-Impeachment of ! Buckingham-Parliament dissolved-Nature of the dispute between Charles and the Commons-Expedients to raise money. THE Conduct of Charles while prince of Wales had not been such as Character of to render him in any respect popular previous to the part Charles on his which he took with Buckingham in relation to the Spanish accession. match. The prince, indeed, appears to have been a frequent witness of those degrading exhibitions which attached so much disgrace to the private life of his father, though it is not ascertained that he manifested any steady disposition towards such excesses. There were those who regarded him at that time as a man of veracity and understanding, and who looked forward with much hope to his accession. But the more general impression with regard to him seems to have been less favourable. The French ambassador, Tillieres, in 1621, describes the actions of the heir-apparent as affording but small indication of a virtuous disposition, and states, as a consequence, that he was then despised and hated as much as his sister was honoured and beloved. In the following year the same person ventures to predict that the good qualities which the friends of the prince attributed to him would be found wanting on his accession to the throne; the fact of his having lived to such an age without giving proof of anything good or generous rendering it highly probable that he would ere long become addicted to the vices of his father*. Even those who judged more favourably com * Raumer, ii. 261, 270, 271. Tillieres also intimates that "passions for women" had to do with the sudden intimacy which arose between the prince and Buckingham; and in one of the most disgusting scenes, with which we are acquainted in the private life of James, Charles is described as a party. "When he was full of sweet wine he took the prince of Wales by the hand, led him to the lords and ladies, and said there was a great contention between the prince and himself as to which of the two best loved the marchioness of Buckingham. After having recounted all sorts of reasons for and against, he drew some verses from his 'pocket, which the poet Jonson had written in praise of the marchioness, then read some others of his own invention, and swore he would stick them on all the doors of his house to show his good will. What follows does not admit of transcription. "Had I not received this report from trustworthy persons," says Tillieres, "I should have considered it impossible." Ibid. ii. 260, 261. plained of the coldness which characterised his demeanour on all occasions, and sometimes spoke of this peculiarity in a young man as no good omen for the future. But the conduct of Charles in opposing himself to the alliance with Spain was so acceptable to the people, that they were at once disposed to acknowledge whatever was good in him, and even to invest him with many imaginary excellencies. And whatever occasional influence the impure manners of James may have had on the prince, it is the testimony of those who were both the contemporaries and the opponents of the new monarch, that the English court on his accession underwent a marked improvement, not only becoming more decent in its manners and correct in its morals, but exhibiting a greater seriousness, and a more apparent sincerity, on all matters having any connexion with religion*. But neither the recent conduct of Charles, nor the confidence which the people are generally disposed to place in a new sovereign, was sufficient to induce the house of commons to forget that their great mission at this juncture was to adopt means which should more effectually secure the dominion of the law against the encroachments of the prerogative, and that even the better order of princes were not often found to submit to such restraints without reluctance. Nor was Charles long in placing it beyond doubt that his temper was by no means of a quality to bow with readiness to such restrictions. We learn from his private correspondence previous to this time, that his views with regard to the authority of the crown in relation to parliaments were very much those which James had so often avowed. In the judgment of the prince, the parliament of 1624 would have no ground for discontent if the authority of the sovereign should be employed to interdict that assembly from all future speaking on the affairs of Spain, whether as relating to the war or the marriage†. But coming to the throne with the intention of exercising powers of this nature, nothing could be more impolitic than the determination of Charles to burden his government with all the difficulties inseparable from a war with Spain. To that measure, in consequence of giving himself up to the resentments of Buckingham, the monarch was more strongly disposed than any class of his subjects; and he does not appear to have seen that, by this course of proceeding, he must necessarily involve himself in large expense; that to meet this expense large supplies from parliament would be indispensable; and that this dependence on parliament for money would certainly produce, according to all former experience, a collision between the pretensions of the commons and those of the crown. Had Charles been aware of this natural order of events, he would no doubt, by guarding against it, have deferred, perhaps have prevented, that further developement of the principles of English liberty which was so soon to be realized. * Memoirs of Col. Hutchinson, i. 65. + Hardwicke Papers, i. 456, 457. New parlia ment. The accession of a new sovereign required that a new parliament should be assembled; and Charles, confiding in those who assured him of popularity, and of success in the plans which now engaged his attention, stated his financial difficulties with freedom, and called upon the representatives of the people to furnish him with an immediate and a large supply. The present house of commons consisted in a great degree of the same persons who had constituted the last, but it was not strictly the same body which had concurred with the resentment of Charles, and still more with that of Buckingham, in the project of a war with Spain. Beside the slight alteration which had taken place in the composition of the lower house, time had been afforded for calculating the probable result of the intended hostilities, and for inquiry and reflection with regard to the causes of that eagerness to plunge into them which was manifested by Buckingham, and hardly less by Charles himself. But in the mind of the sovereign and the favourite an indication on the part of the commons of the slightest disposition to draw back would only operate as a new motive to perseverance, nothing being in a greater degree mortifying to their pride and resentment than to appear as if controlled in such a matter by the fickleness or ill humour of a popular assembly. State of lords. It has appeared, that in the parliament of 1621 something like a regular opposition to the policy of the court had maniparties-the fested itself in the house of peers, as well as in the commons. This was a novel circumstance in the history of that reign; and indeed we meet with scarcely anything resembling it while the sceptre was swayed by the house of Tudor. The appearance of such a temper in the upper house at this time resulted in part, as we have before explained, from the meddling arrogance of Buckingham, and in part from that onward spirit of the times which forced even the most sluggish minds, and those least disposed to innovation, into new modes of thought and feeling. At the head of these opposition peers was the earl of Pembroke, who had ten proxies at his command, being only three less than were understood to be at the disposal of the favou rite*. It may be observed here, that not long after this time it was resolved that no peer should hold more than two proxies, and this regulation is still in force. But it is to the lower house that we must look for the spirit of the The commons. country at this crisis. We find nothing in its composition to warrant us in suspecting that any portion of its members had an intention to demolish either the throne or the ecclesiastical establishment, or to detract from what they regarded as the true glory of the one or the other. What constituted the proper dignity of a monarchy, and of a national church, was matter of debate, but beyond this point the controversy had not at present extended. * Lords' Journals, iii. 431. |