it may be said, that having claimed the merit of supplying, at high prices, an increasing demand for teas in England, the East India Company were bound to guard, in the first place, against a failure in their annual importations. These supplies have certainly been preserved. But instead of referring this to the judgment, discretion, and influence of the East India Company,' it would be far more candid to account for it thus:There is no wish, on the part of the Chinese government, to cut off commercial intercourse with other nations. That government derives revenue from it. The people of the country are deeply interested in it. The profits of the merchants are bound up with it. The local officers, on whose representations the supreme authorities act, are supported by it.' If such a wish had ever existed, no reason can be found in the conduct' or 'influence' of the representatives of those nations, why it has not been terminated, at any monent, and with every aggravation. These remarks are not made from any hostility to the East India Company. We listen to their praises without objection. We would even join in their requiem, were it possible to do so, without virtually crying, 'Long live their system.' We would not have that system perpe. tuated, because it neglected, or discouraged, some of the most important means of influence, and limited itself to drawing annually from China such quantities and qualities of teas, as would figure best in the quarterly declarations.

"These observations on the two different systems, and the amount of influence exerted by them in Canton and its vicinity, may be extended to embrace that of all the foreign residents collectively. And then their position and general state hitherto appears to be illustrated by nothing else, better than by the site and keeping of your zoölogical gardens. They, the inmates, have been free to play what pranks they pleased, so that they made no uproar, nor escaped from confinement. The keepers looked sharply after them, and tried to keep them quiet, because annoyed by the noise they made, and responsible for the mischief they might commit if they got at liberty. They night do what was right in their own eyes with each other. The authorities of China did not expect from wild and restless barbarians, the decorum and conduct, exemplified in their own great family.

and

"In confirmation of these views, it may be stated that the situation of foreign ships, arrived at Whampoa, and separated by seventy miles of intricate navigation from the coast, is nearly as helpless, as that of the dismantled, rudderless Dutchmen in the harbor of Nagasaki. The supercargo lands, enters within all the lines of jealous observation drawn around the seat of foreign commerce, takes up his residence at a distance of twelve miles from the shipping, under a surveillance that controls even his daily' subsistence. In reference, then, to past triumphs in China, we may make this acknowledgment. Sometimes we have employed persuasion or money; sometimes the native merchants, also interested, have pleaded or bribed for us; sometimes the local authorities have reached, in their

resistance, the point where further contest would criminate them with the supreme government. Here is the history of our successes.' We turn now, with our author, to the new plans' for the regulation and improvement of the intercourse with China. He first considers the negative system,' the practical import of which is this:'No nation has a right to interfere with the internal administration of another nation; therefore the merchant who visits China must submit to be bambooed, and the trader to the Feejee islands must not refuse to be killed and eaten. Without demurring to this definition of duty, we will only point out some difficulties attending unconditional submission in China. They arise partly from the fact, that the written laws are at once minute, vexatious, contradictory, and severe. A scrupulous forbearance would forbid the foreigner to pass the threshold of his factory, without permission. In other cases, he will find himself equally entrapped, by obedience or disobedience. Besides, there is a great deal of declarative legislation, directed rather to the dispositions than to the actions of men-to prevent particular deeds, rather than to punish them. And, if the administration of the laws were always perfect, the penalty of their infraction would fall on the foreigner, in the very act of learning that to study them is forbidden! These are some of the difficulties incident to passive submission in China. The effect of such submission would be, not to destroy the existing commerce, but to put an end to all hopes of a well regulated intercourse.

a bad one.

Against the occupation of insular stations on the coast of China several objections are stated, the chief of which is this:-"The departure of the foreigner withdraws a most useful and necessary intervention. Now we give the Chinese credit for more individual intelligence and courage, than is usually granted to that ignorant and timid' people. But there is no standard of principle, no sense of common rights and natural duties, no associated effort or strength, among them. This is the case in a good cause, and still more so in In fact, whether right or wrong, they are sensible of their inability to oppose their rulers, and consequently always shun contact with them. Thus the outside merchant prefers that the foreign purchaser pay the export duties on the article purchase: And in the same way, on opium delivered at Lintin, the snuggler pays to the captain of the ship, a fee of one dollar per chest, for the use and behoof of the naval junks, stationed there to prevent the traffic. Tu this case, we see the preventive officer, confiding in the foreign captain, to guard him from dishonesty in his countrymen, and the native, shielding himself from collision with his own rulers, by the same interposition. The removal to insular stations, of course, leaves the poor native to bear the whole brunt of the contest, with a government impotent abroad, but strong at home, in an unlimited power over the lives and properties of its subjects."

Our author adverts to another "set of measures, hinted at, though never proposed openly; the resort to force, in extorting concessions from the government of China.' We advert to such measures as others

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have done, merely that we may lose no opportunity of deprecating them. It is true that the Chinese nation, notwithstanding its haughtiness, is quite defenseless. Its coasts are hardly safe from piratical incursions. Its sovereigns are of foreign extraction, and therefore disliked by multitudes. It may be true also, that a word from so powerful a government as Great Britain, addressed to the people of China, would dissolve the government.' But who would be found ready on these accounts to cut up the customs of China with the sabre,' or 'to trample down her institutious with cavalry,' or 'to carry our points and her cities by storm.' Nor would it be more easy to find men willing to be the instruments of anarchy and civil war. All such measures are clearly forbidden by expediency, as well as by every sense of justice. Hostilities could not fail to convert the now friendly people of China into hosts of enemies. And if British influence were exerted to establish a new dynasty, the authors of the change would occupy a place, scarcely less envied and hateful, as the real usurpers of the empire." It is unnecessary,' he adds, to carry the subject any further.'

If by a resort to force, in extorting concessions from the government of China, the American Merchant means a declaration of war, and an invasion of the country with a view to conquest, we agree with him in deprecating' such a procedure. Near the conclusion of his remarks, he says: "Whoever has had patience to go with us thus far, will have seen that we do not entirely concur in the plans proposed for future intercourse with China. Nor, in remarking on the probable powers of the new commission, have we regarded them as extending to meet the whole question. We have not given the opinion that the commission should at once demand a free trade, and along with it, a Magna Charta for, and in the name of, the Chinese people. On the contrary, we have asked only that the commission exert itself to vindicate the character of the nation." How? By what means? "To go on, as hitherto, is to do nothing; for as yet nothing has been done. In giving the opinion, that, notwithstanding all this, 'the British people could, undoubtedly, change the harsh, absurd Customs of China, into laws such as should regulate the intercourse of Christian nations,' we regarded as their instrument, and the only possible instrument, the diffusion of useful knowledge and Christian truth. We have not, for this reason, called on the government by naine, because justice and protection are its department, and not active benevolence."

Is it the proper duty of the British government to secure the administration of justice and afford protection, to its subjects in China? How? And by what means? 'Unreserved submission to Chinese dictation, and the hope of evading existing restrictions by resorting to insular stations,' are both out of the question; and "justice and expediency forbid the resort to force." Where and in what way, then, is the British subject to obtain justice and protection? Can nothing be effected by a direct communication with the court of Peking, or by establishing a regular intercourse on the basis of a formal treaty?

On the first point our author says: "We have seen that the emperor of China cannot be approached by ambassies. To send them, is only to confirm him in a false superiority, and to give another precedent of refusal, to be cited by his successor." With reference to the second, he says: "There is, however one treaty which the Chinese government may be very ready and glad to make with Great Britain. The same it has made with its northern neighbor. If ever your Indian possessions come to touch directly on the frontiers of China, it will eng ge, most seriously, that its people on no account pass your borders, if you will never pass their's. Until then, we have reason to doubt the possibility of commercial treaties, and along with it, the utility of ambassies"

Shall foreigners resort to the smuggling system? Let us hear the Merchant's conclusion on this question: "We readily agree that the lowest instrument in a smuggling trade may be so reckless of a miserable existence, as to be deterred by no fears of any punishment. But the conduct of a great trade like the foreign trade with China, now amounting in imports and exports to sixty millions of dollars annually, requires also men of capital and character. We question if such men would be found willing to undertake it. The conclusion is that a universal smuggling trade, though carried on in defiance of government, would fall into such hands, and be attended with such charges, as to prove a bad exchange for the existing commerce."

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What then is to be done? Ambassies will not do. Smuggling is condemned. The occupation of insular stations is impracticable. Quiet submission is intolerable. Treaties are impossible. And justice and humanity forbid the resort to force. In this view of the subject, the American Merchant say he has only to ask, that the British authorities in China will exert themselves to vindicate the character of the nation they represent.' And he adds: "We trust the talents and influence of every individual (composing the new commission) will be devoted to the improvement of the existing intercourse. Many eyes are upon them, for they are holding some of the most important places in the gift of their sovereign, or at the disposal of Providence. They can do much; but another and more powerful instrumentality must be called to their assistance" And what is this instrumentality? The diffusion of useful knowledge and Christian truth.” This is their instrument, and "the only possible instrument" which may be brought to their assistance. At the same time our author takes it for granted, what no one can deny, that it is the duty of the British government to afford protection and secure justice to its subjects in this country. Thus, if we have rightly understood his remarks, he has succeeded to admiration, both in exhibiting the difficulties which encompass the intercourse of foreigners with the Chinese, and in defining the objects necessary to be obtained in order to regulate and improve that intercourse. But having conducted us thus far, he has left us at the very point where aid was most needed. We know that the diffusion of knowledge and the dissemination of truth-political, social, religious truth- among the Chinese, are meaus without which China can

never take its stand among the free, enlightened, and friendly nations of the earth.

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But how is truth to be disseminated among the Chinese? Except "to eat, drink, sleep, buy, and sell," no foreigner is allowed to reside within the dominions of the Great Pure dynasty. In what way then is knowledge to be diffused? We would have the British public,' (and others too,) awakened to a sense of common interest and Christian duty; and for so great an object, enter on the contest.' But how? The Merchant seems to have felt this difficulty; and hence in a note to his remarks, he says: "In deprecating a general smuggling trade, we do not mean to give an opinion against the late voyages along the coast. In the present state of intercourse, no other means can be employed to affect the people, and through them the government of China. We do not profess the creed of unlimited submission, and therefore claim an exemption on some points. Only let this be done with a regard to consequences. Let us hasten, by every effort, the time when the people of China shall no longer have to obey laws destructive of the dearest rights and interests, or expose themselves, by their infraction, to all the penalties that should attach only to crime." Ou some points,' then, submission is right; ou others not with this opinion we agree. We allow, also, that it is our duty to hasten, by every proper effort,' the time when the people of China shall no longer have to obey laws destructive of their rights and interests. But that 66 no other means can be employed to affect the people, and through them the government, of China," than voyages along the coast, we cannot admit. To ourselves (and we think, to all others who are fully acquainted with the subject, not excluding those engaged in the trade,) there seem to be very great objections against the present system of voyaging along the coast: yet such has been, and such is still, the state of things, as to render that system expedient. But surely there is a better system, and other and more direct means which can be employed to affect the government of China. Our author deprecates a resort to force,' and so do we, unless this be done with a regard to consequences;' but when force is necessary to secure justice, to afford protection, and to vindicate the character of a nation,' such'a resort will never be condemned either by him or us.

In the present attitude of the Chinese empire, no government can maintain an honorable intercourse with it, without a resort to force; and for the attainment of the very objects specified by the Merchant, namely, justice, protection, and the vindication of national character. On this point we think, he has not been sufficiently explicit. He ought to have told us how knowledge and truth can be disseminated, justice secured, protection afforded, and character vindicated. do not attribute to him any inconsistency in his remarks; but by his brevity on some points, and by stopping where he did on others, we think those who are not most thoroughly acquainted with the anomalous policy of the Chinese will be misled. What he has said in reference to the British government-the new commission, we will re

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