Mr. Burke contributed an occasional smile to the general merriment, and nothing more, and even this was accompanied by a curl of the lip that appeared to doubt whether there was much good taste in the proceeding. "I remained for some days at the house of this eminent man, and repeated my visits more than once afterwards. So great a portion of time, however, has since then elapsed, that I have forgotten much of what deserves to be remembered, and all of which I could desire to remember, could those bright but flitting thoughts and sentiments which make up the charm of conversation with a great genius, be always held fast by the memory, or transferred at once to paper. During one of those visits Mr. Burke devoted a morning to walk with me round the grounds and vicinity, discoursing with me on agricultural subjects, and displaying, not merely an apparent interest, but a great practical knowledge on such matters. He talked likewise of Ireland, and seemed to recal the scenes of his early life with great tenderness and feeling. "On the profession of the law, which I then contemplated, he made a variety of observations. So far, he said, as his experience led him to the formation of an opinion, he considered it as not calculated to develope the general or higher powers of the mind—an idea which he likewise threw out in his celebrated speech on the taxation of the American colonies, when sketching the character of Mr. Grenville. He sought to illustrate his views by some instances which it might be judicious to record. He added, that he understood the members of the Irish bar to be inferior to their English brethren in legal learning, but in other respects to possess some advantages. But a material change in this respect has since taken place; the Irish bar may now compete with that of England on legal or other grounds. I submitted a short tract to his perusal. He objected to a theory which a paragraph in it implied. I immediately proposed, in deference to such authority, to erase it. He stopped me, and said, Do not strike it out till I turn the matter over in my mind.' Next day he made a few changes. These scenes occurred in the study at Butler's Court.”* unable to do, but, to the credit of his ingenuity, he wrote the following hasty paraphrase or version on the back of a letter, both supplied by his French friend: — "Garçon, apportez moi-moi Des pois-des petits pois-pois Sucres, Monsieur?-C'est mieux je crois, *To be continued. Ar a period when the divine right of kings is a doctrine no longer tenable; when the power of a dominant aristocracy totters to its foundation; when an imperious priesthood is on the eve of losing its usurped temporal power; and when the right of the people to civil and religious liberty is generally recognised ;-in the nineteenth century, and in one of the most civilized countries of Europe, half the population is still enslaved! -the women of England-the mothers, wives, and daughters of "freeborn Britons," are still forced to bend under a yoke more galling than that of the negro-a yoke which enthrals the mind! Degraded, despised, and scorned, scorned even by those to whom they have given existence,-whom they have tended with unwearied care during the helpless hours of infancy-for whom they have suffered so much and endured so many privations,-for whom they have laboured, nay, sacrificed themselves: the career of women is, with very few exceptions, marked by disappointment and sorrow, and too frequently closed in hapless despair. Denied the privileges granted to the meanest citizen, trampled upon in every relation of life, retained in profound ignorance of all, excepting religion, that can ennoble human nature, and only instructed in that so far as it may render them obedient slaves they have rarely dared to think themselves the equals of those who now lord it over them, and all the exalted sentiments of their nature are subdued, and all their high and holy enthusiasm is quenched by a blind submission to those whose only title to power is a superiority in mere physical strength, and who make that superiority a plea for excluding the weaker portion of the human species from all employments, and condemning them to inactivity and servitude. In the earlier ages of the world, when the mind of man was yet in its infancy, when mere brute force was certain to obtain the pre-eminence, when the right of the strongest was the only right acknowledged the degradation of women was a necessary consequence of such a rude state of society; but in the present day, when knowledge is felt to be power, and when battles even are won more by the talent of the general than by the prowess of his soldiers, their still debased social position can only be accounted for by the death-like apathy their dependent state induces, and which renders them, as slaves are, willing to continue in their fetters, until the advance of intelligence, or the perpetration of some fresh insult, shall rouse into action their torpid energies. And who can tell how small a spark may kindle the flame of liberty which now lies smothered in so many bosoms?—who knows how soon the desire for emancipation may be awakened-that desire which will never rest till it is accomplished? Have we never heard that "who would be free, himself must break the chain," and shall we any longer hesitate to wrench asunder one of the links of ours? Do we expect from others-from our masters-that justice which we refuse to struggle for ourselves? and can we hope that they whose interest it is to keep us slaves, will ever voluntarily concede to us the prerogatives of free citizens-will acknowledge our equality with themselves, or recognise our rights as human beings? It will not be much longer possible, in a highly cultivated state of society, to prevent some gleams of knowledge from penetrating the thick darkness of female ignorance; and when that darkness is dispelled, women will learn to reflect on the position they occupy. They know that one prejudice after another has been abandoned; that one proscribed race after another has been made free, and they will at length inquire why they alone are to remain enslaved?-and when they remember that the barriers are now thrown down which excluded from a participation in social and political privileges, all who differed with their rulers in religion, colour, or nation; and rejoice that the Catholic and the Dissenter are placed, as citizens, on a footing of equality with the dominant religious sect-that the Hindoo and the Mulatto are entrusted with important and responsible offices, and that even the negro is legally entitled (if he be competent) to hold them; and when they see the last and strongest prejudice—the prejudice in favour of rank destroyed, and men of the humblest birth and meanest fortune the successful competitors of the richest and the noblest— they will ask why they should any longer submit to be deprived of a voice in the public affairs of their country? I fearlessly ask if the women of this country are inferior to the men either in patriotism, in honour, or in honesty? Are they inferior in moral courage, in fidelity, or in political consistency? "Perhaps not; but they are inferior in ability and in knowledge." With sorrow I confess that at present they are deficient in knowledge, but that they are so in ability I deny. Have they ever been tried? On the contrary, have they not been systematically kept in ignorance-and has not every imaginable means been resorted to, in order to perpetuate that ignorance? I say it, and I say it boldly, that there is no post of trust, no important office, for which women are not naturally as well qualified as men. Every employment should therefore be open to them-no favour should be shown, and if they fail, let them incur the penalty of their incompetence. But though the argument for the degradation of women generally turns on their incapacity, let us inquire if ability is made the test of fitness amongst men. Perhaps it will be said, that no man attains to high office without possessing ability. I grant that in the less wealthy classes of society, merit is frequently the cause of advancement, (although, by the way, we may be permitted to ask if some members of the right reverend bench have owed their elevation solely to their merit?) but in the higher circles, amongst our hereditary legislators, are there many who might not be equalled or surpassed by women taken from their own or other classes of society? I imagine no one will controvert this: and if women are capable of exercising the functions of legislators, as well or better than those to whom the execution of such responsible duties is confided, it is not too much to presume that they are equally well qualified to fill the lower offices in the state, and ought therefore to be invested with the minor privileges of May, 1838.-VOL. XXII.—NO. LXXXV. C citizens, which no man is thought too mean or too ignorant to possess, and which the more earnest reformers assert to be the right of every one but a criminal. Surely it requires no great genius to fulfil the duties of an overseer, of a member of the vestry, of a parish clerk, of a guardian of the poor, of a burgess, or of a parliamentary elector? When we see the hands into which these offices and trusts are thrown, we cannot suppose it is from incapacity, but from jealousy, that women are excluded from them. Let us take, for example, the generality of electors both in towns and in the country. The electors in many towns (with few exceptions) were, until recently, all but paupers, grossly ignorant, and utterly regardless of their privilege, excepting as it gave them a title to indulge in all manner of excess during an election, at the expense of one of the candidates, and also afforded an easy way of gaining money by the sale of their votes. The Reform Bill has introduced a more respectable class of persons into the constituency; but events continually show that many of the ten-pound householders are totally uninformed regarding their political duties, and are directed in the exercise of their prerogative solely by caprice or interest. In the country the case is just as bad. The farmers, to whom the Reform Bill gave votes, in general neither know nor care anything about politics; they vote to please their landlords; and many whose landlords do not take any decided political part—and therefore do not compel their tenantry to do so-will not ride a few miles to attend a polling-place, and in numerous instances will not even allow their names to be placed on the register! The fortyshilling freeholders are commonly of the poorest class. Many a small proprietor may be seen working on the roads, many are employed as menial servants, and it not unfrequently happens that a woman of ability, possessing a large stake in the country, and devoted to her political party, is subjected to the mortification of seeing the privilege denied to herself, confided to uneducated and unenlightened men in her own household. Many ladies possess large property in towns, but not a voice have they in any schemes of local improvement. They can neither give their vote for the levying of a rate or a local tax; for the appointment of a town councillor, an alderman, or any other officer. The select vestry is closed against them, so are the hustings-they may neither appear at one place nor the other. It is sometimes suggested, that women are adequately represented by their fathers, brothers, and husbands; and-passing by the cases in which a woman has no relation who can represent her interestthe suggestion has a slight show of plausibility, until we recollect that points are frequently discussed by the legislature, which affect women not only in their quality as citizens, but also in their distinctive character as females. Did women constitute a portion of the senate, would not the unjust laws respecting property be abolished? would they continue after marriage in a state of perpetual tutelage? Still less, would acts have been allowed to pass which exonerate one sex from burdens which are heaped tenfold on the other? When we reflect on these things, it will not require any extraordinary sagacity to discover that women are not represented by men. But another objection yet remains to be answered. It is contended that the influence women are supposed to possess, both at home and in society, is so great, that it is unnecessary to grant them political privileges, since they already enjoy a power equally strong; but free from all the risk and the vexation which the attainment of the object the "emancipators" desire, would occasion. This view of the subject appears to me to be totally false. Not only is influence no compensation for being retained in a state of bondage, but female influence, as it is generally exercised, is positively and extensively hurtful. Who are the influential amongst women? Not the sensible, the modest, and the discreet; but the woman of fashion, the youthful beauty, and the irreclaimably vicious, either in temper or morals. By all of these, an influence is exercised, pernicious in every waypernicious from its leading away the young from the severe paths of duty to the pleasanter scenes of gaiety and amusement-pernicious from its allowing passion too frequently to take the place of reason— perdicious also, because it is an influence which is subject to no responsibility, to no control, which is often exercised capriciously, and dictated merely by the whim of the moment. In regard to the political influence of women, very few, comparatively speaking, know or care whether they exercise it or not. They look not so much to the object as to the individual. They of course follow the dicta of their parents or friends whenever they venture to speak on political subjects; and if they are employed by "fair speeches" to win over a wavering young man to that side they are told is the right one, they generally obey with the more alacrity, because after having secured the gentleman's vote, they may probably also gain his hand. They advocate opinions without reflection, confident that no blame can attach to them if they are mistaken, and that the laugh will be turned against "the stupid man who was so weak as to be led by a silly woman." They know, besides, that should they happen to give good advice, the source will surely be acknowledged; they feel they are not accountable to any one for the influence they may exercise; and it is therefore exercised in the manner most conducive to their own passions or interest. Are any of my fair readers displeased with this view of their boasted influence? If they are, let them unite in repudiating it. Let them endeavour to exchange an irresponsible and pernicious influence for the free and legitimate exercise of constitutional rights, and let them use every available means to accomplish that objectthe first and most important step towards their complete social rege neration. "But what are the means to be employed to bring about this change?" They are simple-for they are comprised in two words, education and agitation. (1.) To the momentous subject of education, the attention of all those is directed who are looking forward with hope to the emancipation of their country women. But when I speak of education, I do |