disgraceful. When we consider, that tigris agit rabidi cum tigride pacem Perpetuam, særis inter se convenit ursis we may naturally express our surprise, that beings of a sus perior order, those in whom is inherent a portion of ethe. real fire, who, though infinitely inferior to the Deity, are removed far above the level of brutes, should fink into 2 course of action of which mere quadrupeds inight feel the folly and the iniquity. But it is useless to argue on this subject; for the advocates of human flaughter, though they affect a high degree of religion, have no idea of its genuine dictates and its legitimate impressions, and are, in the strict sense of the phrase, practical atheists. Such men impudently call it blafphemy to declaim against war; but every man of sense and humanity will maintain a contrary opinion. That spirit of despotism which has ever waged war agianft human freedom and happiness, exerted itself at the begin. ning of the eighteenth century in the person of Louis XIV. of France, who, not content with ensiaving his subjects, encroached on the liberties of other nations, and systematically invaded the general rights of mankind. But that haughty and unfeeling tyrant, near the close of his reign, was deservedly reduced to a state of humiliation, so as to become an object of pity to contemporary princes. During his reign, however, the arts and sciences received some encouragement, more indeed from his vanity than from his taste or judgment. His death gave some repose to Europe; and the arts of peace revived. But, though his successor was of a lefs ambitious and more pacific disposition, he, on various pretences, embarked in unneceffary wars. At one time he laboured to crush or depress the house of Austria; at another time, he provoked Great-Britain to a rupture by encroaching on her colonial possessions. The enterprising fpirit of the great Frederic of Prussia kindled also, at different periods, the flames of war: but be endeavoured to make fome atonement to his people by falutary reforms and useful inftitutions, and by a general melioration of their state. The czarina Catharine II. foilowed a fimilar plan; and, while her ambition was prodigal of blood, her uncontrolled authority was, in many instances, subíervient to the public good. The concurrence of these two potentates with the devout Maria Theresa in the partition of Poland reflected ditgrace on the age in which it took place, and on the neighbouring princes who could tamely suffer such injustice to be exercised. From the affected regularity and folemnity in which the measure was enforced, it taught the nations of the world, that princes, in a refined age, could make a mockery of religion and humanity, of national independerice and public privileges, and measure right by the rule of power, with a degree of iniquity equal to that of the most ferocious chieftain's of barbarous times. From this scene let us turn our eyes to France, which, at the accession of Louis XVI, was in a state favourable to the progress of freedom. That monarch was humane and well difpored, and did not wish to act the part of a tyrant; and, under his auspices, an example of reform might have been given with effect to the princes of the time, had not GreatBritain, forgetful of the principles which raised the house of Hanover to the throne, precipitated herself into a rupture with her colonial subjects. By aílifting the discontented. Americans, the ill-advised Louis excited among his people a strong passion for liberty ; and, when he convoked the Itates-general of the realm, the eagerness of the public to take advantage of the opportunity led to disorder and con. fulion, as persons who have long been blind know not how to conduct themselves at the first glare of light. The dis· order was promoted by ambitious demagogues, whose arts and intrigues kindled a flame which has not yet been extinguished. The madness of the revolutionary leaders, not being suffered to exhaust itself at home, diffused its effects over Europe; and the atrocities committed in France by a Jacobin faction under the mask of liberty, d?mped the ardour of the friends of rational reform, furnished the rulers even of free nations with a pretence for strengthening the hands of government, and produced a general inclination to submit to new restraints, rather than rifque the horrors of confusion and anarchy. Such seemed to be the state of the public mind at the conclusion of the eighteenth century; and fuch were the ill effects of a revolution, which, under judicious management, might have gradually operated to universal benefit. In fpeculating on the probable changes which may attend the progress of the nineteenth century, we do not flatter ourselves or our pofterity with any signal or extraordinary improvement of the general condition of mankind. Refine ment has not, in a long course of ages, produced the advantages which might have been expected to flow from it: wny then should we dream of any striking change which it may effect within the small compass of one hundred years? The improvement of the theory of religion and mofality has not had a correspondent influence on the practice. The increaling profundity of scientific research has not been so diffusively beneficial as it might have been under proper direction. A more enlarged might into the legitimate arts of government, a greater portion of skill in the liberal and mechanical arts, a more intimate acquaintance with the means of augmenting the accommodations of fcciety, have not, we observe with deep but unavailing re. gret, been attended with the effects which such attain. mengs seemed calculated to produce. Why then should we affect to prognosticate a 1peedy or a great improvement in thefe respects? That some changes may occur in the per riod to which we allude, there is no reason to doubt: but we may dispute the extent of their utility. When the agitations consequent on the storm of the French revolution shall have subsided, such a spirit of moderation may arise, as may be favourable to political improvement. While the enormities of Jacobinism may have made so strong an imprelion on the minds of men, that the rashness of indiscriminate reform will meet with instant opposition, princes may also become more sensible than they have hitherto been of the expediency of promoting the happiness of their subjects, not merely that of the higher classes, but of those Icis elevated individuals who have as great a claim to justice and protection, to the comforts of life, and to that freedom cfaction which is not incompatible with the restraints of so ciety, as the counsellors of kings and the rulers of nations. Under the auspices of patriotic and philanthropic fovereigns, the sciences which inform and enlighten, the arts which polish, the morality and devotion which purify mankind, may be more regularly pursued and more efficaciously cultivated. A more judicious system of education, founded on numerous hints recently suggested, may improve both the minds and persons of the rising generation. The parsions may be more studiously reprefied; the depravity which, we are taught to believe, has been inherent in human beings since the fall of their progenitor, may be more rigorously corrected. We might extend these remarks to a great length by speaking of those changes to which a fan. guine zeal might look forward; but such speculations are rather the offspring of excursive fancy, than the dictates of prophecy; and it may be said, though the opinion may be thought to border on unnecessary deípondence, that the improvements which we have mentioned are merely porsible, not probable. Those passions which have rendered the greatest part of the world, for ages, a scene of folly, iniquity, and vice, will perhaps continue to prevail over reason and prudence, over good sense and philosophy. Let every performer on the theatre of life endeavour to act the part allotted to him with judgment and propriety; and the state of mankind will then be eflentially improved : but, as such endeavours, from the creation of the world to the present time, have by no means been general, we have little reason to indulge the pleasing expedlation. This, we allow, is not an enlivening or a flattering picture; but we earnestly wish that the profpect may brighten, and that the fue ture scene may be arrayed in more attractive colours. ERRATUM. ALPHABETICAL INDEX TO THE AUTHORS' NAMES, and TITLES of BOOKS. 476 233 3.57 514 ACCOUNT of proceedings of go. BAMPTON ledure, Richards's, 77 27? Bardomachia, - 360 475 239 Bingley's tour round North Wales, 55 283 chess of Orléans, and Louis of Bour- 237 116 339 277 Bridgman's Thesaurus juridicus, 217 bly's catechism, - 469 311 on, to the British Critic, 358 337 ployment of Christian fabbath, 117 44, 300 464 CALVINISTIC doctrines of human 450 Canion, voyage 19% 341 469 223 Charge, Bishop of Rochester's, 470 514 417 curidomination of a ship in a neutral cerning the, 102 Christianity, Principles of, vindicated, 27 Chronological abridgement of univer- 346 330 Churchill's translation of Herder's Phi- 342 461 ligion, 104 466 88 1-5 -- of Schillers Vetic), Hisor 458 438 ing, 3 588 of, to, Cobb's Ramah Droog, 229 DRAMATIC. 175 Ramah Droog, 229 349 113 115 Theodora, III 191 Dunfter's Confiderations on Milton's early reading, 438 462 Ebn Haukal's Oriental geography, 377 338 founded upon princip.es, 221 461 -- Reports of a series of inocu- - ., Public affairs of, 104 Elegance, amusement, and utility, 479 417 473 of Christian theology, Ani- 311 360 - to the court of the Telhou La- 345 1e8 in rhyme to M. G. Lewis, 226 to Peter Pidar, 23; EfTays, political, economical, and phi- 400 losophical, 460 Euripides's Hecuha, 478 for the truth and divine origin of 451 Experimental inquiries concerning the 572 lateral communication of motion ia 4,8 Critic, 231 Extract of journ ildfa tour from Lon- 119 473 227 FABER's lern:ons, 413 1:7 Falconer's Remarks on Bryant on the 357 Family fermons, Fellowes's Anti-Calvini?, 404 Feltham's Tour through the idle of 333 Female fex, Reflections on the preient 453 143 241 343 358 12 77 213 116 |