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race, which we may again meet with under the appellation of Sclavonians.

Adverting to the German nations, M. Herder traces the source of their military spirit, their ardour, and their succefs.

In the most ancient history of the Germans, therefore, it is necessary to guard ourselves against any partial attachment to a favourite spot for our modern constitution ; with this the ancient Germans had no concern; they followed the course of a different stream of nations. Westward they pressed on the Belgians and Gael, till they had seated themselves in the midst of other tribes ; they passed eastward as far as the Baltic; and when this put a stop to their progress and their plunder, as its sandy coasts were unable to support them, they naturally turned southward, the first opportunity, iato countries that had been evacuated. Hence many of the nations, that invaded the Roman empire, had previously dwelt on the shores of the Baltic : but there were only the more barbarous, whose residence there was by no means the occasion of the thock that was given to the power of Rome. This we muft seek at a greater distance, in the Afiatic country of Mungalia : for there the western Huns were pressed upon by the Igurians and other nations; in consequence they crossed the Wolga, fell upon the Alans on the Don, and the great kingdom of the Goths on the Black Sea, and thus many southern German nations, the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, Vandals, Alans, and Suevi, were set in motion, and the Huns fol. lowed them. With the Saxons, Franks, and Burgundians, the care was different; as it was with the Heruli, who long served in the Roman armies, as heroes that sold their blood for pay, .

• We must likewise take care not to ascribe fimilar manners, or a like degree of civilization, to all these people, as appears from the difference of their conduct towards the nations they conquered. The savage Saxons in Britain, the roaming Alans and Suevi in Spain, conducted themselves not as the Oftrogoths in Italy, or the Burgundians in Gaul. The tribes that had lony dwelt on the Roman frontiers, near their colonies and places of trade, in the west or south, were more mild and polished, than those who came from the barren sea-coafts, or from the forests of the north : hence it would be arrogance if every horde of Germans were to ascribe to itself, for instance, the mythology of the Scandinavian Goths. How far did not these Goths advance? and in how many ways was not this mythology afterwards refined? The brave primitive German, perhaps, can claiin nothing but his Theut or Tuisto, Mann, Hertha, and Wodan, that is, a father, a hero, the earth, and a general.' P. 480.

The Sclavonians once poffefsed the vast territory from the Don to the Elbe, and from the Adriatic to the Baltic Seas. They are represented as peaceful cultivators, occupying the laud whicli orhers had left, and with little spirit or inclination

for conquest, not greatly inclined to make a steady and active reliftance. The Franks, the Danes, and the Germans, contributed to ruin their establishments, and circumscribe their limits, and they now calmly cultivate a fine country from the Don to the Moldaw, and from the Adriatic to the Carpathian Mountains. The foreign races in Europe complete the author's view of modern nations.

In the extensive migrations from the mountains of Asia to the north and west, different tribes successively occupied the countries on each point, without any bond of union, without civilisation, without literature, except what they borrowed from the east, or neceffity compelled them to invent. A new instrument of civilisation, a new bond of union was required, and this instrument, this link, was Christianity. The leventeenth book is therefore devoted to an examination of the origin and progress of the Christian religion. M. Herder explains the simple unadorned form of real Christianity, and soon proceeds to speak of its progress in the East, in the Grecian and Roinan provinces. These steps we cannot follow; but what relates to the progress of Christianity in the East is the mout novel, and the molt interesting part. In our author's opinion it gave a new fpirit to the doctrines of Budha and Fo; aud, if it did not establish the sect of the Bonzes, the monastic system of the Lamas and Telapoins, it at leait added to the fervor and ftability of such inftitutions. The Neftorian bishop of Alia may have been the Prester John of the travellers in the middle ages; and from his ashes the Lama of Thibet, with an indolence and inactivity of a more southern climate, may have arisen.

Before M. Herder investigates the progress of Christianity among barbarous nations, he considers thortly their situation from the period when they obtruded themselves forcibly on the notice of the more southern nations. He first speaks of the Sueves, Visigoths, Alans, and Vandals. The establithinent of the Gothic kingdom in Spain is boldly as well as accurately delineated, and the fource of the connection between the civil and religious powers, or more properly between despotism and superstition, well explained. The remains of the Vandals palled into Africa, and flourished only during the short and viétorious reign of Genseric.

The Ostrogoths and Lombards are next mentioned, and to the latter is attributed the eftablishment of the feudal system in its greatest extent. As their country will now perhaps assume a new and more permanent form under the name of the Cisalpine republic, we inay be indulged in transcribing our author's account of its earlier state. . .

• Hence (upon the death of the Lombard monarch Alpoin) arose fix and thirty dukes, and the first Lombard-German conftitution in Italy

was ettablimed. For when the nation, compelled by necellity, again elected a king, every powerful feudatory for the most part acted as he pleased. Often the king was even deprived of the choice of these; and at last his power of ruling and employing bis vassals depended folely on his precarious personal authority. Thus arose the dukes of Friuli, Spoleto, and Benevento; who were soon followed by others: for the country abounded with cities, in which here a duke, there a count, could establir himself. Thus, however, the kingdom of Lombardy was enfeebled, and could have been much more eafily extirpated than that of the Goths, had Conftantinople possesTed a Juftinian, a Belisarius, and [or] a Narles. Yet even in this feeble state it was capable of destroying the remains of the exarchate'; though its own fall was prepared by it. The bishop of Rome, who wilhed only for a weak and divided government in Italy, beheld the Lombards too powerful and too near. Having no longer any assistance to expect from Constantinople, Stephen crossed the mountains; flattered Pepin, the usurper of the crown of the Franks, with the honour of being a protector of the church ; anointed himn legitimate king of France; and accepted as a reward the five cities, even previous to the commencement of the campaign, in which they were to be conquered, and the exarchate, yet to be taken from the.Lombards. .

· Charlemagne, the son of Pepin, completed his father's work : and subdued, with his overwhelining power, the Lombard kingdom. In recompense he was created, by the holy father, patrician of Rome, and protector of the church, and proclaimed and crowned emperor of the Romans, as if by the inspiration of the spirit. The effect of this proclamation on Europe in general will hereafter appear: to Italy the consequence of this masterly cast of the fisherman's net was the irreparable loss of the Lombard kingdom. During the two centuries of its continuance, it had promoted the population of the ravaged and exhausted country ; it had diffused security and happiness through the land, by means of Germanic order and equity; . while every state was permitted either to adopt the Lombard law's, or to retain its own. The jurisprudence of the Lombards was concise, methodical, and effective : their laws remained in force long after their kingdom was destroyed. Even Charlemagne, by whom it was overturned, still allowed them to be valid, only with additions of his own. In several parts of Italy they continued to be the common law, in conjunction with the Roman; and found admirers' and expositors, even when the Justinian code became paramount at the command of the emperor.' P. 535.

. . Since the time of Charlemagne, who added' Lombardy to his poilellions, and transinitted it as an hereditary portion to his child. ren; since the Roman imperial title, too, unfortunately came into Germany, and this poor land, throughout which uniformity of fen

timent could never prevail, had to draw with Italy in the dangerous harness of numerous and various feudal bands; and before an emperor had recommended the written law of Lombardy, and added it to the Justinian code; the constitution, that formed its base, was certainly not calculated for the advantage of many districts, bare of towns, and poor in arts. Owing to the ignorance and prejudices of the times, the law of the Lombards at length passed for the general feudal law of the empire : and thus these people still survive in their customs, which, properly speaking, were raked out of their alhes to be condensed into laws.

• The state of the church, likewise, was much affected by this conftitution. At first the Lombards, as well as the Goths, were Arians : but when Gregory the Great succeeded in bringing over queen Theodolinda, the muse of her nation, to the orthodox faith, the zeal of the new converts soon displayed itself in good works. Kings, dukes, counts, and barons, emulated cach other in building convents, and endowing the church with ample additions to its patrimony. The church of Rome enjoyed poffeffions of this kind from Sicily to Mount Cenis. For as the fiefs of temporal lords were hereditary, why should not those of the spiritual be the faine, who had to provide for an eternity of succeilors ? Every church acquired with its patrimony fome saint for a protector; and men had continually to gain the favour of this patron, as an intera' cessor with God. His image and his relics, his festival and his prayers, worked miracles; there miracles produced fresh presents; so that what with the continual gratitude of the saint, on the one hand, and that of the feudatories, their wives, and children, on the other, there was no such thing as striking a balance of the account. The feudal constitution itself passed in some measure into the church. For as the duke took precedence of the count, the bishop who fat by the duke's fide would maintain precedence of a count's bifhop : thus the temporal dukedom became the diocese of an archbilhop; the bithops of subordinate cities were converted into fuffragans of a fpiritual duke. The wealthy abbots, as spiritual barons, endeavoured to withdraw themselves from the jurisdiction of their bishops, and render themselves independent. The bishop of Rome, who thus became a spiritual emperor, or king, willingly allowed this independance, and prepared the principles, which the false Isidorus afterwards publicly established for the whole catholic church. The numerous festivals, acts of devotion, masses, and offices, demanded a multitude of clerical functionaries : the treasures of the church, and facerdotal garments, which were suited to the barbarian taste, required their sacriftan; the patrimonial poffeffions, their rectors; all ultimately terminating in a spiritual and temporal patron, a pope and emperor; so that church and state rivalled each other in one feudal conftitution. The fall of the Lombard kingdom was the bwth of a pope, and with him of a new emperor, whence the whole

conftitution of Europe affumed a new form. For the face of the world is not changed by conquest alone ; but still more by new views of things, by new dispositions, laws, and rights.' P. 537.

The history of the Allemans, Burgundians, and Franks, is a sketch only, but a masterly one, and traces the origin of their monarchy' till it attained a vast unwieldly magnitude under Charlemagne. The kingdoms of the Saxons, Normans, and Danes are described with equal spirit. Froin the piracies of those adventurers arose the early naval power of the northern nations, and, from the energy intuicd by the mixture of other nations, and the spring imparted by the spirit and example of successive conquerors, M. Herder derives the peculiar excellence of the British character. A short account of the northern kingdoms and Germany, and a general view of the institution of the German principalities in Europe, conclude the eighteenth book.

In this part of the work we perceive the luminous compretiion, and often the philosophic energy of Gibbon, whom our author biglily praises, and whole opinions he frequently adopts. "The cry against this work,' he adds in a note, “as if the author were an enciny to the Christian religion,. feems to me unjust, for Gibbon has spoken of Christianity, as of other maiters in his history, with great mildness.'

The Roinith hierarchy, its policy, its effects and influence on political states, and the progress of literature and commerce, are next confidered. These lead the anthor to the Arabs, who, in the last departments, had a great influence on Europe in the middle ages, and, by developing the faculties of the human inind, on the Hilory of Alan. The spirit of commerce and the taste of chivalry had equal effect in divesting the mind of those savage notions which war alone inspires. On the latter subject, our author's light sketch, for it can aspire to no more, is highly interesting. The croisades, which have been supposed a powerful engine in enlightening the rude warrior, and expanding the untutored mind, had, in M. Herder's opinion, but a partial effect. It was one of the impulses, either collateral or oblique, which, at the iaine time, concurred to give new energy and activity to the views and exertions of Europeans, and was aflisted by commerce, by chivalry (the parent rather than the offspring of the croisades), the progress of arts and sciences, the emancipation of cities, &c. It is perhaps, as our author alleges, “a micre phantom of the brain to frame one prime fource of events out of seven distinct expeditions, undertaken in a period of two centuries, by different nations, and from various motives, folely because they bore one common name.' Leaving tlieretore these supposed causes, our author ultinately looks for the modern improvements of the liuman race in the

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