the idea of Lycurgus, as an equal partitioner of lands, was a dream of the century of Agis and Cleomenes. The mode in which Lycurgus succeeded in giving to Sparta the strength which it long possessed in an eminent degree, was this:-He created in the Spartan citizens "unrivalled habits of obedience, hardihood, self-denial, and military aptitude; complete subjection on the part of each individual to the local public opinion, and preference of death to the abandonment of Spartan maxims; intense ambition on the part of every one to distinguish himself within the prescribed sphere of duties, with little ambition for anything else.”* What Lycurgus did, was to impose a vigorous public discipline, with simple clothing and fare, incumbent alike upon the rich and the poor. This was his special gift to Greece, according to Thucydides,† and his great point of contact with democracy, according to Aristotle. But he took no pains either to restrain the further enrichment of the rich, or to prevent the further impoverishment of the poor; and such neglect is one of the capital defects for which Aristotle censures him. § philosopher also particularly notices the tendency of property at Sparta (from causes which it is *Grote: History of Greece, vol. ii. p. 519. †Thucyd. i. 6. Aristot. Polit. iv. 7, 4, 5; viii. 1, 3. § Grote, vol. ii. p. 539. The The unnecessary to specify here, but which will be found enumerated in Mr. Grote's History of Greece,) to concentrate itself in fewer hands, unopposed by any legal hindrances. By whatever means the process was effected, we know that in the time of Agis III., about 250 years before Christ, when all the land of Sparta was in a very small number of hands, when the citizens were few in number, and the bulk of them miserably poor, the old discipline and the public mess (as far as the rich were concerned) had degenerated into mere forms.* attempt of Agis to bring back the State to its ancient strength, by again admitting the disfranchised poor citizens, re-dividing the lands, cancelling all debts, and restoring the public mess and military training in all their strictness, though it failed—partly from the want of ability in the sincere enthusiast who undertook it, and his misconception of what Lycurgus had really done, partly from its being made too late-at least proves the state of degradation and decrepitude to which Sparta had then fallen, and indicates some of the chief causes of that decrepitude and degradation. About two thousand years after Agis had paid with his own life, and the lives of his wife and mother,† for the noble and patriotic, but treacherous dream of a regenerated country, the dream of Agis actually oecame reality, in a nation which was fast * Grote, vol. ii. p. 527. † Ib. p. 534. t perishing under the evils of a government which, like that of Sparta, favoured an exceedingly unequal distribution of property. The French Revolution, amid many crimes, may certainly be said to have regenerated the French nation as Agis proposed to regenerate the Spartan nation, and by means nearly similar to those proposed by him. It is remarkable, too, that the French king, Louis XVI., a man, like Agis, eminent for his virtues, met with the fate of Agis. As Agis, whose sincerity is attested by the fact that his own property and that of his female relatives, among the largest in the State, were cast in the first sacrifice into the common stock, became the dupe of unprincipled coadjutors, and perished in the vain attempt to realize his scheme by persuasion; so Louis, with probably as sincere a desire to do what was best for the French nation, perished, like Agis, through the intrigues of the unprincipled people about him. But, though the fate of Louis was like that of Agis, the fate of France was very different from that of Sparta. * Grote, vol. ii. p. 528. CHAPTER III. THE ATHENIANS. ་ WE have the evidence of the most unexceptionable witnesses, of Socrates, in so far as Plato can be considered as a trustworthy expounder of the opinions of Socrates, of Plato, of Thucydides, of Demosthenes, that, at the point of time whereof Adam Smith speaks, Athens no longer possessed, as he affirms, a "gallant and well-exercised militia." The Athenian system of military training was never, at its best time, to be compared for excellence to the Spartan. Yet the result at Marathon, and on many other occasions, proved that in its earlier and better days, the Athenian armed force well deserved the description of a "gallant and well-exercised militia." The fact, too, of such a citizen as Socrates serving repeatedly as a private soldier, proves that then the soldier-citizen system was effectually carried out. At the siege of Potidæa, Socrates won the prize of valour, but voluntarily yielded it to his pupil Alcibiades. Alcibiades himself confessed that he owed his life to Socrates; and that in a certain action, where he was severely wounded, Socrates alone prevented both his person and his arms from falling into the hands of the enemy. At the battle of Delium, during the Peloponnesian war, where the Athenians were defeated by the Boeotians, Socrates also behaved with the greatest bravery; and it is said that he saved the life of Xenophon, who had fallen from his horse: Strabo says he carried him several furlongs, till he was out of danger. After the battle, as Socrates was retiring with Laches and Alcibiades, he told them that he had just received an admonition not to follow the road that most of their men had taken. They who continued in that road were pursued by the enemy's cavalry, who, coming up with them, killed many on the spot, and took the others prisoners; while Socrates, who had taken another route, arrived safe at Athens with those who accompanied him. The division of labour had not then reached that point when philosophers and politicians could sit in whole skins at home, and with a" dastardly spurt of the pen," or as dastardly a wag of the tongue, send their brethren forth to battles, the dangers of which they did not share. But if the time for such division of labour had not then actually come, it was fast coming, and was very near at hand. The poison of the orators was rapidly doing its work upon the Athenian democracy; and we have the testimony of Plato for the fatal effect |