It was never intended by Her Majesty's Government to ask for the acceptance of the fourth proposal by Austria, Russia and Prussia. It was intended only that Great Britain and France should invite the authorities newly constituted in Central Italy to convoke the Assemblies to renew in a solemn manner their votes of August last. The Sovereigns of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, it appears to us, may take one of two courses. They may stand upon Treaties, and upon the principle of legitimacy, and may refuse to acknowledge the King of Sardinia or any other Prince than the Grand Duke as Sovereign of Tuscany, or any other authority at Bologna than the Cardinal Legate named by the Pope; or they may acknowledge the force of facts, and recognize the new Power as they recognized Louis Philippe, the Republic, and the Emperor himself. But that they should say that the vote of August was good, but that the vote of March would be invalid; that they can admit a claim founded on the enthusiasm and acclamation of an excited people, but refuse to acknowledge the calm and deliberate decision of that same people,—such a contradiction appears to Her Majesty's Government impossible. With respect to a Conference, the present moment does not appear to Her Majesty's Government favourable for such a meeting of the Great Powers. When Italy has decided for herself, such a Conference might be useful. But, at present, Great Britain could not assist at such a Conference, which, in her opinion, would only aggravate differences. Earl Cowley. SIR, J. RUSSELL. No. 77.-Lord J. Russell to Sir J. Hudson. Foreign Office, February 27, 1860. I INCLOSE herewith, for your information, copies of communications from the French Ambassador at this Court, containing the propositions of his Government for the settlement of the Italian question. I also inclose a copy of a despatch which I have addressed to Earl Cowley upon the subject of those propositions. I am, &c. Sir J. Hudson. J. RUSSELL. No. 78.-Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.-(Rec. February 27.) I HAD an interview yesterday with Count Rechberg, and in obedience to the instructions of your Lordship's despatch of the 17th instant, I communicated to his Excellency the inclosures therein contained relating to the rumoured annexation of Savoy to France, and, at his Excellency's request, placed in his hands copies of those papers. His Excellency received this communication with much interest and apparent satisfaction. He made no observation during the communication of the correspondence, further than to express his concurrence with the views and opinions expressed in your Lordship's despatches to Earl Cowley. At that part of your Lordship's despatch of the 13th instant to Earl Cowley, refuting the argument put forth of a possible danger to France if Sardinia were to be a member of an Italian Confederation, with a population of 11,000,000 inhabitants, Count Rechberg observed that if the Duchies were annexed to Sardinia, all idea of an Italian Confederation would fall to the ground, as that measure would reader it impossible. His Excellency begged me to convey to your Lordship his best thanks for the communication of this interesting correspondence. I have, &c. Lord J. Russell. AUGUSTUS LOFTUS. No. 79.-Lord Bloomfield to Lord J. Russell.—(Rec. February 27.) On the receipt of your Lordship's despatch of the 17th instant, by the messenger Drury, I lost no time in seeking an interview with Baron Schleinitz, when I read to his Excellency the 4 inclosures in that despatch on the subject of the annexation of Savoy and at his request I left them with him. His Excellency desired me to thank your Lordship for this interesting communication, and observed that he fully entered into and highly approved of the reasons which have been advanced by Her Majesty's Government against the French project of annexaI have, &c. tion. Lord J. Russell. BLOOMFIELD. No. 80.-Lord J. Russell to Earl Cowley. (Extract.) Foreign Office, February 28, 1860. Ir seems strange to Her Majesty's Government, that when Austria had taken, if not in good part, at least with good temper and in a friendly spirit, the declarations of M. Thouvenel contained in his very able despatch to M. de Moustier, the French Government should seek for new complications by bringing Russia and Prussia on the scene, and by endeavouring to disappoint the expectations of Tuscany and Romagna by new and difficult propositions. It appears to Her Majesty's Government that if France had been contented with the new position she had made for herself at Vienna, the affairs of Italy would have settled themselves, and the Italian people would have been contented and grateful. Why is this prospect so suddenly overclouded? In doubt as to the future, we can only express at Turin our plain and sincere opinions. Earl Cowley. J. RUSSELL. No. 81.-Earl Cowley to Lord J. Russell.-(Received February 29.) (Extract.) Paris, February 28, 1860. I HAD Some conversation with M. Thouvenel this morning, with reference to the proposal about to be made by the French Government to that of Sardinia. With respect to that proposal, I observed that Her Majesty's Government conceived that it was subversive of the independence of Italy, which had been the professed object of the Treaty of Zurich, as set forth in its preamble. I then went on to explain that Her Majesty's Government had never intended to ask the acquiescence of Austria, Prussia, and Russia in the fourth proposition made by Her Majesty's Government to the Imperial Government in your Lordship's despatch of the 15th of January. Lastly, I stated the reasons why Her Majesty's Government must decline for the present to take any part in a Conference of the European Powers. M. Thouvenel replied that he had hoped, from the report which M. de Persigny had made to him of his conversation with your Lordship, when he read to you the despatches which have given rise to your Lordship's observations, that the impression made upon your Lordship, if not favourable to the French proposal, was at all events, not altogether hostile to the conclusions at which it sought to arrive. With regard to your Lordship's explanation, that Her Majesty's Government had never intended to ask for the acquiescence of the Governments of Austria, Prussia, and Russia in the fourth proposition, M. Thouvenel observed that he had never asserted the contrary. He had simply argued, that as these Governments had expressed themselves averse to the principle of a further appeal to the people of Central Italy, they would be more ready to accept a settlement based on matters of fact (" des faits accomplis "), that is, on the votes of the Assemblies already taken. In sum, the notion of the Imperial Government was that there existed a possible settlement of the Italian question without any further appeal to the people; that this settlement, if Sardinia could agree to it, might meet with the assent of the Great Powers of Europe; and therefore France, after a previous communication with Her Majesty's Government, had recommended it. had done no more. It was for Sardinia to make her option, taking of course the responsibilities of whatever that option might be; for, in fact, the whole question was in her hands. With regard to the assembling of an European Conference, M. Thouvenel said that he concurred with your Lordship in thinking it inexpedient under present circumstances. Lord J. Russell. COWLEY. No. 82.-Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.-(Received March 2.) I INQUIRED to-day of Count Rechberg in what light the Imperial Cabinet viewed the important and interesting communication I had lately made to him, of the correspondence contained in your Lordship's despatch of the 17th instant, which had taken place between Her Majesty's Government and that of the Emperor of the French and of the King of Sardinia, respecting the reported annexation of Savoy to France. His Excellency was silent, and seemed indisposed to express any opinion on the subject. I stated, however, that having communicated to him confidentially the views and opinions of Her Majesty's Government on this subject, his Excellency must consider it natural that I should inquire what effect they had produced on the Imperial Cabinet. His Excellency stated that the impression had been a good one, and that the arguments and opinions set forth by your Lordship had been duly appreciated. His Excellency confined himself at present to this very limited reply to my inquiry, as he intended to address a despatch to Count Apponyi on this subject, for communication to your Lordship. I have, &c. Lord J. Russell. AUGUSTUS LOFTUS. No. 83.-Captain Harris to Lord J. Russell.-(Received March 2.) As the attitude of the Swiss Government and people must have an important bearing on the question of the proposed cession of Savoy, I have made it my business to observe that attitude closely : and having read in some of the newspapers an answer of the Federal Council to the Address of the Vaudois section of the influential society of the Helvetic which implied that they directly approved of the annexation of Northern Savoy to Switzerland, I sought an interview with the President this morning, who stated to me that those versions of the answer were purposely strained and incorre and pointed to me, in the "Bund," a semi-official newspaper, the answer as it was really given, and which contained nothing of the kind. The President said that, no doubt, there were many people throughout Switzerland who were fascinated by the idea of the annexation of the provinces of the Chablais, Faucigny, and the Genevois, and who would, in such a case, view with indifference the cession of the rest of Savoy to France; but that sounder heads looked more closely into the matter, and, reflecting calmnly on the future, foresaw difficulties and dangers in such an arrangement which made the status quo infinitely preferable. He said that, in the first place, this annexation would introduce into the Confederation a Roman Catholic element of a very bigotted character, which would increase the difficulties with which the Federal Government had to deal already. That many persons in the Canton of Geneva were anxious for the annexation of the provinces of North Savoy to their canton, in order to increase the area of taxation, and relieve themselves from its heavy pressure, arising from the enormous outlay which has taken place lately in the city of Geneva for the construction of quays and other public improvements; but that this would engender discontent in the newly annexed provinces. The President added, that in drawing the new military frontier, French engineer officers would doubtless be sent to act with those of Switzerland for that purpose, and that difficulties and jealousies would arise similar to those in the vexatious question in the Vallée des Dappes. The first portion of these remarks suggested to my mind a very palpable danger, which I stated to the President, and which he had already foreseen, namely, that the province of North Savoy, subsequent to the arrangement above alluded to, might, when worked upon by dissidencies in religious matters (and those who have witnessed the strife in this country between the Calvinist and Ultramontane will easily understand how it can be made a powerful political engine), and impatient under increased taxation, throw themselves into the arms of France with such a manifestation of the popular will, and would render the interference of the Great Powers with a view to prevent their annexation to the French Empire extremely difficult. I need hardly add, that with the southern shore of the Lake of Geneva and the approaches to the Valais in the hands of France, the independence and neutrality of Switzerland would be seriously compromised. Of the value of that neutrality, and of the sagacity of the statesmen who secured it in 1815, the late war afforded ample proof. |