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NOBLE GENERAL,

As we owe you all the good of the day in the Northern battle, so we owe you all the good of the news from thence, it being of as great comfort unto us as possibly it can be in so uncomfortable a story, that a person of your judgment, and I am confident of that clear dealing with me doth allow us so good hopes yet, of our condition there, relieving us from those despairs which are endeavoured by many to be brought upon us. I profess I cannot hinder myself from cheerful hopes of any business wherein your spirit and conduct is likely to have so great an influence, especially now my Lord Marquis of Newcastle and General King are gone, whose interest of the one, and skill of the other will so much need to be supplied by you, that I believe it will not be possible for you to do, yet which was so earnestly desired by my brother Dives, which I must confess, though it were more to the benefit of the public, I cannot hinder myself from lamenting in relation to my own satisfaction. For the account of our condition here, I must refer you to the Prince's letter, only thus much I shall add, that after the defeat given to Waller at [Copredy Bridge], we staid a great while at Evesham in expectation of this certainty from the North, before we resolved what course to steer, until in the end the news of your defeat growing daily so hot upon us, it was held necessary, since we could not hope to come in time to you, nor without the hazard of our army, to lose no more time from that which was the next best, which was unanimously concluded to be the western progress, wherein we now are advanced as far as Bath, in fair hopes to crush Essex betwixt Prince Maurice's army and ours, before Waller can come near enough to press us, being for aught we hear, as yet about Warwick. If he advances suddenly he is likely to come weak, and if he stay to join with Brown likely to come too late. This is a short epitome of our present state and designs, which if it please God to

prosper, may prepare a reserve in case of further disaster, which God forbid, northward, and in case of success there be likely to finish the work, in which I protest sincerely I do not wish to any man a greater share of honour than to yourself, both as your virtues merit most, and as the particular application of them to oblige me has made me most entirely and passionately,

Your faithful servant,

Bath, July 17th, 1644.

GEORGE DIGBY,

By the same post we have another letter to the Prince from the same hand; it contrasts curiously with the last:

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HIGHness,

Although there is no matter for congratulation in the battle in the North, since the success was not answerable to your Highness's virtue; yet there is matter of comfort in that (your Highness being disappointed of those seasonable aids which you expected [from Lord Newcastle] and had given order for) the event was no worse, but that having done the work you came for, of relieving York, your Highness yet remains in a condition to renew the dispute upon terms not unhopeful. His Majesty is very sorry that My Lord Newcastle and General King should go away anywise discontented, but since that cannot be helped, I hope you may not succeed the worse in those parts for their absence, since I perceive by your Highness's and other letters, the hatred and jealousy towards King were grown to such a height, as even to wound through him my Lord of Newcastle's power and interests in those parts. Certainly your Highness could not have made a more prudent election of persons to supply their places than of Sir Thomas Glenham and General Goring, whose commissions are herewithal sent according to your Highness's directions; so that what Dives was sent about, I see

we must try to remedy some other way, which perhaps will be no hard matter in that course which we now take toward Prince Maurice, the grounds of which council to march westward, being principally the impossibility of coming in any time to your Highness. I set down so largely to your Highness in a former letter, whereof I send you herewithal a duplicate, that I shall need say no more, but that in prosecution of it, we are advanced as far as Bath, and not out of hopes to crush Essex betwixt Prince Maurice's army and ours, before Waller can incommode us, who, for aught we can hear, is yet about Warwick, and likely, if he follow us suddenly, to follow us weak. If he stay to gather up and join other forces, probably he may be with us too late, so that we are not unlikely, by God's blessing, to have a fair blow for it in these parts. God grant it your Highness in the North, with that honour and lustre which is wished unto you in all your actions by your Highness's

Bath, July 17th, 1644.

Most faithful humble servant,
GEORGE DIGBY.

Before taking leave of Marston Moor, I must insert the following graceful letter from the King to Lord Newcastle, which seems appropriately to conclude the subject and this volume:

NEWCASTLE,

My nephew Rupert sends me word of that which troubles me, that you and General King are going or gone beyond sea. It is a resolution that looks like discontent, which you cannot have occasion for without blemish to that sense which I ought to have of your eminent services, and particularly in your late gallant defence of York; which I would not have you believe that any subsequent ill-fortune can lessen, but that I shall ever retain such a memory of that and your other actions of great merit as

ought to be expected from a good master to so deserving a servant. If you do persist in that resolution which I cannot but be sorry for, I shall commit the charge of those countries under your command to George Goring and Sir Thomas Glenham, in your absence, who I make no doubt will be the acceptablest persons to you, and who will be likely to give you the best account of their trust at your return, when you shall be sure to be received and ever entertained with that favour and estimation which you may expect. Your most assured constant friend,

Bath, July 17th, 1644.

CHARLES R.

So ends the Northern campaign; the next volume will take us to Naseby; then to sea, and then rapidly to our last scene.

479

APPENDIX.

A.

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT.

I Do not remember that I have anywhere met with an account of this memorable body, as regards its mode of election. Some of my readers may be equally unlearned in this matter, and desirous of knowing in what manner it represented the people of England, at least before that usurpation of perpetual authority by which it changed its nature into a despotism. I have taken the following extracts from an old pamphlet published in 1643, and entitled "An old Mould to cast new Lords by; compiled by the Honourable Sir Thomas Smith, Knt. Reprinted out of the Commonwealth of England by a Friend to old Bookes, and an enimy to new Opinions."

"The most high and absolute power of the realm of England consisteth in the Parliament. For, as in war, where the King himself in person, the nobility, the rest of the gentility and the yeomanry are, is the force and power of England, so in peace and consultation, where the Prince is to give life, and the last and highest commandment : the barony or the nobility for the higher, the knights, esquires, gentlemen, and commons, for the lower part of the Commonwealth; the bishops for the clergy be present to advertise, consult, and shew what is good and necessary for the Commonwealth; and to consult together, and upon mature deliberation, every bill or law being thrice

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