one feels that the interrelations between them are left hazy. A reading of The Town Labourer, at least, is presupposed. So, despite the singularly felicitous style which is the endowment of the Hammonds, and despite the human interest of the book, it will not, probably, prove as charming to the general reader as The Village Labourer.

The book is written to substantiate a thesis. That thesis is frankly stated on page four of the Introduction. "For all these classes of workers it is true that they were more their own masters, that they had a wider range of initiative, that their homes and their children were happier in 1760 than they were in 1830." The immediate cause was the introduction of machinery into most lines of industry. Its influence was felt by those already on the verge of pauperism, but more by the more skilled whose closed crafts no longer saved them from ruin. The effect was so similar upon the different groups that it gives a unity to the story of the period. Into one general class of depression may be put cotton and woolen workers, spinners and weavers, worsted workers and stocking knitters, lace makers and the shearmen who cut the nap from woolen cloth in the finishing process. Each group has its own story told, but it differs from the others only in the detail of local circumstance. In each, machines appeared which made the labor of a few men vastly more productive. As soon as one manufacturer adopted such a device his competitors were compelled to do likewise. With the machinery went what seemed to be a new spirit in the manufacturing group. It was made manifest by better co-operation of the manufacturers, and often by shady trade practices, such as flooded the market with worthless knitted goods about 1810. Volume of production increased, "time was saved," yet the laborers found themselves working more hours per day for less wages in a factory, or starving on poor relief in their cottages. No wonder those in the old domestic industries "no longer had the heart" to do work which had ceased to be remunerative. In some industries the mechanization was slower than in others. In some localities resistance held back the process for a time. But in general it spread as relentlessly as an infection.

The resistance was the more hopeless because the period of change coincided with a period dominated by war psychology. A government which was at once the champion of national integrity and class interest used the power of its position without much scruple. It put down violence with the iron hand, and it forbade by law the combinations of workers that might have secured redress without resort to violence.

Desperate, unable to make themselves heard politically, the North made itself felt in the Luddite riots of 1811 and 1812, and again when the close of the war was found only to make misery the more apparent. The insurrectionary tendencies were hopeless. To some extent they were prompted, as they were betrayed, by government spies. With their collapse, and the beginnings of a hope that parliamentary reform would bring relief, this chapter of the labor life of England closes.

The case of the coal miners of the Wear and the Tyne is an exception to the general rule. They faced an impossible situation caused, not by new machinery, but by improved organization on the part of their employers. Inexperienced as they were, they seemed for a time likely to improve their position. But their final defeat is typified by Hepburn, their best leader, who was driven by hunger to purchase work from his old foes at the price of a pledge to organize no more.

This exception is important as showing that the real root of evil was not the introduction of machinery-though the idea is left inchoate by the Hammonds. The real evil was the concentration of political power in the hands of the same class which was just realizing its opportunities for unprecedented economic exploitation. It must be felt that the authors are too bitter against an innovation whose immediate effect was blighting, but which compelled men to new experiments in co-operation for control, which promise to make of the new technique a means for the attainment of more liberty, a wider range of initiative, and happier homes and families than were known in 1760, or at any

other time.

WARNER F. WOODRING

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

Social Purpose: A Contribution to a Philosophy of Civic Society. By H. J. W. HETHERINGTON and J. H. MUIRHEAD. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1918. Pp. 317. $3.50 net. It is difficult to understand why these lectures, delivered before the University College of Wales in the summer of 1916, were published in book form. The avowed purpose of the book is "to restate the essentials of the classical idealist" of society (p. 10). To this end Plato and Aristotle are made starting-points for the discussion of present civic society. While there is much good sense in the discussion, it seems quite out of touch with the spirit of modern science. It would be unfair to say that the book ignores the whole development of scientific

psychology and sociology, but it makes little use of their methods of approach to its problems. Rather its method is still that of "dialectic." Only one American sociologist receives any attention, Professor Cooley. Blackmar and Gillin's text is cited once, but the names are given in the footnote as "Blackmore and Gillen" and in the index as "Blackmore and Sillers."

The attitude of the book toward objective scientific method seems to be well indicated by the following quotation from Professor J. A. Smith, which the authors place just before their own preface: "The world of fact, artistic or aesthetic, scientific, moral, political, economic, is what the spirit builds around itself, creating it out of its own substance, while it itself in creating it, grows within. . . . . Nothing is or can be alien, still less hostile to it, 'for in wisdom it has made them all.'" UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI CHARLES A. ELLWOOD

Personal Beauty and Racial Betterment. By KNIGHT DUNLAP. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby Company, 1920. Pp. 95. $1.00. The point of view of this book in eugenics is that of an experimentalist in physiological psychology. Personal beauty is defined as the evidence of fitness for "the function of procreating healthy children of the highest type of efficiency according to the standards of the race, and ability to protect these children." The author inadequately justifies his omission of moral qualities in his description of "the beautiful individual." The chief suggestions in the author's program of racial betterment are: eliminating the unfit through the use of education and publicity, insuring that marriages shall be made on the basis of mutual attraction of "beauty" alone, taking care that the unions of the most fit shall be fruitful.

This "personal beauty" treatment of eugenics contains several generalizations which are open to challenge. For example: All dark races prefer white skin (p. 20). The basis of power is muscular (p. 25). In a family one person must control (p. 27). Language is the principal means of thinking (p. 31).

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

Current Social and Industrial Forces.

E. S. BOGARDUS

Edited by LIONEL D. EDIE.

New York: Boni and Liveright, 1920. Pp. xv+393. $2.50. This is an interesting and valuable collection of source material prepared for courses on "Current Historical Forces" in the history

department of Colgate University. It has distinct value, also, for courses in sociology and economics.

The book carries an introduction by James Harvey Robinson, who concludes with the following admirable characterization of Professor Edie's work: "His anthology forms a really imposing stock-taking of current speculation upon pressing economic quandaries. It does not attempt to prove anything or defend anything, except the necessity of considering the pass in which humanity finds itself with the hope that with new knowledge and fuller understanding our policies of reform may be more prompt and less bungling and expensive than they might otherwise be." Professor Robinson is also represented by a six-page quotation from his The New History.

About sixty writers are represented, besides numerous reports and official documents. Hobson leads the field with five quotations, followed by Weyl and Croly with four, and Veblen, Bloomfield, King, Bertrand Russell, Hoxie, Wallas, and Woodrow Wilson, with three each. The following chapter headings indicate the arrangement of the material: I. "Forces of Disturbance"; II. "Potentialities of Production"; III. "The Price System"; IV. "The Direction of Industry"; V. The Funds of Reorganization"; VI. "The Power and Policy of Organized Labor"; VII. "Proposed Plans of Action"; VIII. "Industrial Doctrines in Defense of the Status Quo"; IX. "The Possibilities of Social Service."

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY

ROBERT FRY CLARK

A Group-Discussion Syllabus of Sociology. By DANIEL B. LEARY, PH.D. Buffalo: University of Buffalo, Niagara Square, 1920. Pp. 42. $1.00.

Dr. Leary, professor of psychology in the University of Buffalo, has contributed to the steadily increasing materials for the teaching of introductory college courses in sociology by preparing a syllabus of thirty-two sections, containing five to eight questions each, and supplemented by reading references. The point of view is “objective, historical, non-individualistic, dynamic." Social evolution, social control, and social problems are the main sub-divisions. An extended bibliography is prefixed. The syllabus is designed for the use of mature students. The questions, which constitute the chief contribution of the syllabus are as a rule well phrased. At times they stress philosophic rather than scientific considerations.

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

E. S. BOGARDUS

The American Red Cross in the Great War. By HENRY B. DAVISON. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920. Pp. xii+303. $2.00.

This book by the chairman of the War Council appointed by President Wilson, also president of the Red Cross, is a clear and fascinating recital of the work of the Red Cross from the outbreak of the war between the United States and Germany in 1917. It begins with the story "When the Storm Burst" and closes with an account of the League of Red Cross Societies.

Sitting at the very center where every move in the development of the Red Cross from a small society with only six-hundred chapters and a few thousand members at the outbreak of the war to one with over thirty-seven hundred chapters and twenty-two million members at the time of the signing of the armistice, Mr. Davison is well equipped to tell the story of this great organization. He tells it well. As one reads the first few chapters which describe the expansion of the organization to meet the obligations laid upon it by the government in accordance with its charter, he feels again the breathless haste and high resolve which moved us all as the nation girded itself for the battle with its foe. The organization and reorganization which characterized the first months, the chaos which reigned and withal the order which finally evolved, the devotion of rich and poor in the various services of the Red Cross, the building of buildings in camps, the selection of personnel, crowding upon the organization with a prodigality which created a real problem, and the enlisting of nurses and social workers for Europe and America-all is here portrayed in vivid and fascinating form.

Mr. Davison divides his work into two parts, the first dealing with the work of the Red Cross in America-work for the soldier and sailor at home, home service, the work of the Junior Red Cross, and the care of the disabled soldier; the second part dealing with the work of the Red Cross abroad, in Italy, in France, in Great Britain, and in Eastern Europe. The book is not a critical history; it is a report by one who was the directing genius in its war organization, the War Council. It is to be hoped that sooner or later it may be supplemented by a more critical study of the work of the Red Cross, pointing out not only the achievements, but, what is of as much value to those who would learn also from its mistakes, also its errors of judgment, where it failed in its organization and in its highly centralized control in the division