"hysterical convulsions of mob-frenzies" or the "maniacal, nationalistic excitement with fixed paranoidal delusions of national grandeur, demoniacal obsessions of world-dominion, resulting in homicidal and suicidal world-wars." The second part of the book and the part which probably meets more nearly the crying need of these postbellum times includes the sections given over to upholding the value of freedom of opinion. The true value of an opinion, the author says, is not so much in its truth as in its freedom. The reviewer takes the same attitude. While he does not agree with either all the applications of biology and psychology, nor with all of the obiter dicta which are voiced in this book, he has felt a distinct stimulus of thought from it, and appreciates the freshness with which the author's opinions and scientific convictions are stated. CHICAGO ARTHUR J. TODD The Philosophy of Conflict and Other Essays in War Time. By HAVELOCK ELLIS. Boston: The Houghton Mifflin Co., 1919. Pp. vi+299. $2.50. This collection of essays offers still further proof of the author's versatility. They cover a wide range of subjects, but while they differ on the score of profundity and length, all are marked by the same brilliancy of style and encyclopedic knowledge to which we have grown accustomed in this stimulating Englishman. Some of the essays cover a field of belles lettres somewhat remote from the social technician's everyday world, but the larger number of them are well within the scope of either theoretical or applied sociology. The title essay is by no means the best in the series, nor to the reviewer does it appear that the half-dozen essays treating more or less of the subject of war and civilization seem to measure up with those relating to the biological aspects of society with which we have associated the author's name for so long. Thus the essays on "Eugenics in Relation to the War," "Birth Control and Eugenics," "The Mind of Woman," "Equal Pay for Equal Work," "Psycho-Analysis in Relation to Sex," attain the highest mark in the whole volume, for they really add both new material and fresh, stimulating points of view to previous discussions of these subjects. For sheer pleasure, however, should be recommended the essay on the great South American man of letters, Rodó, for both this Latin genius and his English reviewer challenge to a certain extent the complacency of our North American utilitarian life. This might be summarized in the quotation of a single sentence. "If it can be said that Utilitarianism is the Word of the English spirit, then the United States is the Word made flesh." From the point of view of the restlessness of a world in throes of reconstruction, there is a challenge to ponder Ellis' dictum (p. 33) that "the great wars of history are ambiguous for the most part, but when any meaning emerges, the moral is clear to see: Woe to the victors!" This book is attractively printed with only here and there a slip in proofreading and should prove valuable not only for general public consumption but also as collateral reading in courses on social conflict or the family. CHICAGO ARTHUR J. TODD Thoughts of a Psychiatrist on the War and After. By WILLIAM A. WHITE, M.D. New York: Paul B. Hoeber, 1919. Pp. x+137. $1.75. The nature of this collection of popular essays on war and its social aftermath is well indicated by its title. Culture-immaturity, the struggle between the individual and the group, war and the social consequences of war are given a psychoanalytic interpretation. War is both good and bad. It releases primitive animal impulses. It serves also as "the preliminary process of rejuvenescence." With it comes social rebirth and introduction to a new line of progress. War always will be with us unless in some way we discover a rational method of sublimating the hate instinct as it arises between nations. The brevity of the book will make it difficult for readers unacquainted with psychoanalytic literature. If it leads some of these into the more extended discussions of the psychology of war it will accomplish what doubtless was the purpose of the author. NEW HAMPSHIRE College ERNEST R. GROVES The Economic Consequences of the Peace. By JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. Pp. 298. $2.50. The prime importance of this book (now in its thirtieth thousand and under wide discussion) consists not merely in the authoritative positions held by the writer. As fellow of King's College, Cambridge, editor of the Economic Journal, director during the war of financial relations with the Allies, and later member of the Supreme Economic Council, he has been in a position to write with rare insight of the economic conditions of Europe and consequences of the Peace Treaty. Nor does the importance of the book arise from its unusually keen and openminded analysis of present conditions in Europe. The prime importance of the work consists in its vivid sense of the growing moral and economic solidarity of the world, and particularly of Europe and its detailed search for a sound economic basis on which a peace settlement can really be made, in view of that solidarity. Through the seven chapters-Introductory, "Europe before the War," "The Conference," "The Treaty," "Reparation," "Europe after the Treaty," and "Remedies," Mr. Keynes relentlessly and fairly pursues the questions: What has really been done to right the war wrongs? What are the defects of these efforts? and What must be done to settle the issues fairly and really? His delineations of the characters and circumstances of the chief actors at the Peace Council are picturesque, brilliant, and probably about as accurate as the conclusions of any close observer can be expected to be at the present time. He holds that Clemenceau insisted on a Carthaginian peace against Germany, as in a perpetual prize fight of European history; and states that his own "purpose in the book is to show that the Carthaginian peace is not practically right or possible.” He holds that in this policy Clemenceau, backed by the reactionary forces of the hour, won nearly all of his main points, which will have to be undone or revised. Lloyd George, he holds, was forced by an unfortunate political situation in England, and against his better natural inclinations, into a somewhat similar position of untenable extreme measures. And Wilson, he claims, was in Paris to do nothing that was not just and right, as indicated by the "fourteen points," but was without a sufficiently detailed constructive policy or sufficiently experienced advisers (barring a few exceptions). The interesting remedies for the present serious European situation, which Mr. Keynes convincingly sets forth, are in brief as follows: (1) A revision of the treaty should be made to provide a possible indemnity for Germany, and to include the Reparation Commission in the League of Nations. By the present terms, Mr. Keynes holds that the Germans would be required to pay the impossible sum of $40,000,000,000, which should be reduced to $10,000,000,000, in the interest of the actual resuscitation of Europe. On the shoulders of those who approve this, he says, the burden of detailed proof rests. (2) A free trade union should be established for Europe under the auspices of the League of Nations. (3) All inter-ally indebtedness should be immediately canceled. (4) The pressing needs of Europe for food and business revival should be met at once by an international loan under adequate security by some method of organization that will prevent graft in any sense. (5) Russia must be given a chance to get on her feet again as well as Germany, if for no other reason than to prevent the wider spread of chaos through a union of radically revolutionary forces in Central Europe. C. J. BUSHNELL TOLEDO UNIVERSITY A National System of Education. By WALTER SCOTT ATHEARN. New York: George H. Doran Co., 1920. Pp. 132. $1.50. This book should be read by everyone interested in the complete education of American youth. The author believes that America muşt have an American education which is thoroughly spiritual as well as technical. Because of the division of state and church, there is the necessity of both a public-school system and a religious-education system. The scheme for both the public education and the religious education is thoroughly worked out in this book. With wonderful clearness the author points out how the public schools first grew up spontaneously to meet parish needs; second, how they were copied after the German scheme, a scheme which was devised to dethrone democracy and enthrone subservience to autocracy; and third, how the public schools are gradually throwing off these shackles and developing an American system with democratic attitudes and ideals as the goal of education. The author also graphically portrays the development of church education from the beginning of United States history, shows how it has been organized and promoted, and gives the scheme which he thinks will adequately serve the nation in this hour of great need. The virile approach of this book is much enhanced by the graphic charts which picture the actual development of both the public-school system and the church-school systems. UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO J. A. ARTMAN Educational Sociology. By WILLIAM ESTABROOK CHANCELLOR. New York: The Century Co., 1919. Pp. xii+422. $2.25. Chancellor has been known in the field of education for nearly a score of years as a very clever writer. Here in the field of sociology he is in his usual style: always original and often brilliant. His system of social theory has little in common with any other that has ever been put into print. Part I, "Social Movements," comprises seventeen chapters, some with familiar titles such as "Public Opinion" and "Social Solidarity," but others with such novel headings as "Public Opinion in City and Country," "The Rules of the Game," "Social Gatherings," and "The Rise ond Fall of the Individual Great Man." Part II, "Social Institutions," selects these twelve for a chapter each: state, property, family, church, school, occupation, charity, amusement, art, science, business, and war. Part III, "Social Measurement," has a chapter on "The Social Survey of a Community," but the other six chapters are rather a comparative study of institutions. The title is misleading. Only two of the thirty-seven chapters treat of education, while the others rarely mention it or have any obvious connection with it. But every page bristles with epigrams or striking facts, so that one may dip into the book anywhere and become interested. F. R. CLOW STATE NORMAL SCHOOL IOS. Seventeenth-Century Life in the Country Parish, with Special Reference to Local Government. By ELEANOR TROTTER. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1919. Pp. 242. Students of England in the seventeenth century are accustomed to devote their attention largely to revolutionary movements and constitutional changes. Ultimately these have had a profound effect upon the whole Anglo-Saxon race. But, according to Miss Trotter, "the machinery for administration of the laws and the maintenance of peace was so decentralized that the life of the average man flowed on undisturbed.” The author does not give us an intimate picture of this "life of the average man,” but she does outline in an interesting fashion the more formal aspects of parish life. Churchwardens, Anglican priest, overseers of the poor, petty constable, surveyor and justice of the peace are treated at some length, as are laborers and apprentices, rogues and vagabonds. A single chapter is devoted to the "social life of the village community." One gathers from the whole discussion the hopeful view that, having weathered the seventeenth-century storm, the English-speaking world at least may survive the terrors of the twentieth century. STUART A. QUEEN SIMMONS COLLEGE |