renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha, and otherwise troubled his house and succession; Edward II. of England his queen° had the principal hand in the deposing and murder of her husband. This kind 5 of danger is then to be feared chiefly, when the wives have plots for the raising of their own children; or else that they be advoutresses.°

For their children, the tragedies likewise of dangers from them have been many; and generally, the en10 tering of fathers into suspicion of their children hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of Mustapha, that we named before, was so fatal to Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks, from Solyman until this day, is suspected to be untrue, 15 and of strange blood; for that Selymus II. was thought to be supposititious. The destruction of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like manner fatal to his house; for both Constantinus 20 and Constans, his sons, died violent deaths; and Constantius, his other son, did little better, who died indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken arms against him. The destruction of Demetrius, son to Philip II. of Macedon, turned upon 25 the father, who died of repentance. And many like examples there are; but few or none where the fathers had good by such distrust, except it were where the sons were up in open arms against them; as was Selymus I.° against Bajazet, and the three 30 sons of Henry II., King of England.

Ο

O

For their prelates, when they are proud and great, there is also danger from them, as it was in the times of Anselmus and Thomas Becket,° Archbishops of Canterbury, who with their crosiers did almost try it with the king's sword; and yet they 5 had to deal with stout and haughty kings, William Rufus, Henry I., and Henry II. The danger is not from that state, but where it hath a dependence of foreign authority°; or where the Churchmen come in, and are elected, not by the collation of the king or 10 particular patrons, but by the people.

For their nobles, to keep them at a distance it is not amiss; but to depress them may make a king more absolute, but less safe, and less able to perform anything that he desires. I have noted it in my 15 "History of King Henry VII. of England," who depressed his nobility; whereupon it came to pass that his times were full of difficulties and troubles, for the nobility, though they continued loyal unto him, yet did they not co-operate with him in his 201 business. So that in effect he was fain° to do all things himself.

For their second nobles, there is not much danger from them, being a body dispersed. They may sometimes discourse high, but that doth little hurt; 25 besides they are a counterpoise to the higher nobility, that they grow not too potent; and lastly, being the most immediate in authority with the common people, they do best temper popular commotions.

For their merchants, they are vena porta°; and if 30

they flourish not, a kingdom may have good limbs, but will have empty veins, and nourish little. Taxes and imposts upon them do seldom good to the king's revenue, for that that he wins in the hundred he 5 leeseth in the shire; the particular rates being increased, but the total bulk of trading rather decreased.

For their commons, there is little danger from them, except it be where they have great and potent 10 heads; or where you meddle with the point of religion, or their customs, or means of life.

For their men of war, it is a dangerous state where they live and remain in a body, and are used to donatives; whereof we see examples in the janizaries,° 15 and pretorian bands of Rome; but trainings of men, and arming them in several° places and under several commanders, and without donatives, are things of defence and no danger.

Princes are like to heavenly bodies, which cause 20 good or evil times, and which have much veneration, but no rest. All precepts concerning kings are in effect comprehended in those two remembrances: "Memento quod es homo," and "Memento quod es

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Deus, "o or vice Dei"; the one bridleth their power,

25 and the other their will.

XX. OF COUNSEL

THE greatest trust between man and man is the trust of giving counsel. For in other confidences,

men commit the parts of life; their lands, their goods, their children, their credit, some particular affair; but to such as they make their counsellors, they commit the whole: by how much the more they are obliged to all faith and integrity. The wisest 5 princes need not think it any diminution to their greatness, or derogation to their sufficiency, to rely upon counsel. God himself is not without, but hath made it one of the great names of his blessed Son, "the Counsellor." Solomon hath pronounced that 10 "in counsel is stability." Things will have their first or second agitation; if they be not tossed upon the arguments of counsel, they will be tossed upon the waves of fortune, and be full of inconstancy, doing and undoing, like the reeling of a drunken man. 15 Solomon's son° found the force of counsel, as his father saw the necessity of it. For the beloved kingdom of God was first rent and broken by ill counsel; upon which counsel there are set for our instruction the two marks whereby bad counsel is 20 for ever best discerned: that it was young counsel for the persons; and violent counsel for the matter.°

The ancient times do set forth in figure both the incorporation and inseparable conjunction of counsel with kings, and the wise and politic use of counsel 25 by kings; the one, in that they say Jupiter did marry Metis, which signifieth counsel, whereby they intend that sovereignty is married to counsel; the other in that which followeth, which was thus: they say, after Jupiter was married to Metis, she conceived 30

by him and was with child, but Jupiter suffered her not to stay till she brought forth, but ate her up, whereby he became himself with child, and was delivered of Pallas armed, out of his head. Which 5 monstrous fable containeth a secret of empire, how kings are to make use of their council of state. That, first, they ought to refer matters unto them, which is the first begetting or impregnation; but when they are elaborate, moulded and shaped in the womb of 10 their council, and grow ripe and ready to be brought forth, that then they suffer not their council to go through with the resolution and direction, as if it depended on them; but take the matter back into their own hands, and make it appear to the world 15 that the decrees and final directions (which, because they come forth with prudence and power, are resembled to Pallas armed), proceeded from themselves, and not only from their authority, but, the more to add reputation to themselves, from their 20 head and device.

Let us now speak of the inconveniences of counsel, and of the remedies. The inconveniences that have been noted in calling and using counsel are three: first, the revealing of affairs, whereby they become 25 less secret; secondly, the weakening of the authority of princes, as if they were less of themselves; thirdly, the danger of being unfaithfully counselled, and more for the good of them that counsel than of him that is counselled. For which inconveniences the 30 doctrine of Italy, and practice of France, in some