Memoirs of Fouché, Duke of Otranto. 1 vol. 8vo. E. Bliss & E. White, and Wells & Lilly. Collins & Hannay. Tremaine, or the Man of Refinement. E. Littell, Philadelphia. Shaw's Manual for the Student of Anatomy. Revised and with notes, by Wm. Anderson, MD. J. Disturnell, Troy. Paris's Medical Chemistry, 2 vols. 8vo. Atkyn's Reports, third London edition, revised and corrected. With notes and references. By Francis W. Sanders, 3 vols. royal 8vo. Collins & Hannay. History of the United States, 1 vol. 12mo. Charles Wiley. Seventeenth and Eighteenth Cantos of Don Juan. do Law of Actions and Trials at Nisi Prius. By Isaac Espinasse. E. B. · Gould. Gibbon's Rome, 6 vols. 8vo. J. & J. Harper. Crabbe's Synonymes, 1 vol. 8vo. do. Leviazac's Grammar, 1 vol. 12mo. do. Frederick de Algeroy, or the Hero of Camden plains. By Giles Gazer, Esq. 1 vol. 12mo. J. & J. Harper. C. S. Van Winkle has prepared for the press, a second edition of the "Printer's Guide," with corrections and additions. 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To which are added, the First and Second Appeal to the Christian Public, in reply to the Observations of Dr. Marshman, of Serampore. By Rammohun Roy, of Calcutta. From the London edition. B. Bates, New-York. THE NEW-YORK REVIEW. AUGUST, 1825. ART. XVII.—1. Message from the President of the United 2. Message from the President of the United States, transmitting ton. 1825. 3. Message of Governor Troup, transmitted May 23, 1825, to the Legislature of Georgia, specially convened by Proclamation. Milledgeville. 1825. 4. Official Documents, containing a Message of the Governor of the State of Georgia to the Legislature, with the Correspondence between the Special Agent of the United States, Governor Troup, and the Secretary of War. Milledgeville. 1825. THE character of the confederacy of the United States, is a subject of great interest, both to the present generation and to posterity. It is regarded by the contending parties in the political world as the great exemplar of liberal establishments; and upon its conduct and success depends the speedy advancement, or the temporary defeat, of the liberal party. Its force is not a physical, but a moral force. It consists in a national character, unsullied by injustice and oppression. The inquirer cannot find in their annals the records of successful or unprovoked invasions of triumphs achieved over the rights of nations and humanity. The government of the nation has, on all occasions, appealed to reason as its standard, and by that standard it will be judged. After a profession of its principles, so openly and so often reiterated, it cannot shape its course according to the VOL. I. 23 INDEXED dictates of a temporizing, prevaricating policy. It must act up to its principles, or it must disavow them. The path of honour and justice is open, and it may travel on alone, sustained only by the moral strength, which a strict adherence to the maxims of integrity gives to a nation; or it may shrink from its high destiny, and like the members of the Holy Alliance, stoop to share in the petty plunder, derived from stripping the weak and the defenceless of their possessions. If it be emulous of the fame of the partitioners of Poland, the invaders of Spain, and the plunderers of India; an opportunity to equal, and even exceed them, is forced upon the government of the United States by the conduct of the Governor of Georgia, and upon the disposition of that question, rests the future character of our country. By the rash and unjustifiable measures of the executive of that State, the national government is compelled to decide upon the ultimate destiny of the Indians within its limits; to become a party to their forcible removal; or to protect them in the lawful enjoyment of their rightful possessions. In an age like this, with a free press, and thousands ready and willing to vindicate the rights of the meanest and most defenceless; we cannot, if we would, dispose of thousands of human beings like cattle, without inquiry. Their wrongs will go forth to the world, and the agency that we have in their final disposition, must make part of the national history. Let us, then, as we value the opinion of mankind, as we regard the approval of our consciences, examine well the relations between the white inhabitants of the United States, and the surviving aboriginals, before any irrevocable step be taken to remove the Creeks from the lands which they now occupy. Scarcely two centuries have elapsed, since the Europeans landed upon the American continent. They then found the country covered by the native tribes of the new world. The resources of the country were not so fully developed, as if civilized men had applied their faculties and arts to that end. Agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, did not flourish, as if under the control of civilization. This, however, did not give to Europe a right to depopulate America. To vacant territory, the white comer had as good a right as the tawny native; but to occupied territory, to land appropriated to the purposes of planting and hunting, the Indian had a right, which was as valid as that of an English nobleman to his extensive manor and vacant park. The history of the early colonial settlements, shows this right to have been generally respected; and purchases were made from the native chieftains by the |