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I.

PART obliged friends,' or 'his faithful and obedient servants,' will find his friends and servants sooner at a feast than at a fray. Titles are given in letters more out of custom and formality than out of judgment and truth. The Pope will not stick to indite his letter 'To the King of the Romans,' and yet suffer him to have nothing to do in Rome. Every one who indited their letters To the High and Mighty Lords the States General,' did not presently believe that was their just title before the king of Spain's resignation. Titles are given sometimes out of courtesy, sometimes out of necessity, because men will not lose their business for want of a compliment. He that will write to the great Duke of Muscovia must style him 'Emperor of Russia.' How many have lost their letters and their labours for want of a 'mon Frere' or 'mon Cousine''my brother' or 'my cousin!'

It were best for him to quit his argument from superscriptions, otherwise he will be shewed Popes calling princes their 'lords,' and themselves their 'subjects and servants; yea, princes' most glorious and most excellent lords,' and themselves' servants of servants,' that is, servants in the superlative degree. They will find "Cyprian to his Brother Cornelius health," and, "Justinian to John the most holy Archbishop of the city of Rome, and Patriarch1." Did St. Cyprian believe Cornelius to be his master, and style him "brother?" or owe obedience and service, and send but health? Had it been comely to style an ecclesiastical monarch plain "Archbishop" and "Patriarch," and for the Christian world to set down only "the city of Rome ?"

But what doth he take hold on in this superscription to their advantage? Is it the word "summo?" That cannot be, it is confessed generally that the Bishop of Rome had priority of order among the Patriarchs. Or is it the word "Universali ?" Neither can that be; all the Patriarchs were styled Ecumenical or Universal, not in respect of an universal power, but their universal care,-as St. Paul 2 Cor. xi. saith, "The care of all the Churches did lie upon him,”and their presidence in general Councils m. It cannot be the

28.

[Cypr., Epistt. 44, 45, 47, &c., Ad Cornelium.]

1 [E. g. Authent., Collat. ii. tit. iv.

Novel. 9. in superscript.]

m

[See Just Vindic., c. viii. vol. i. pp. 253, 254.]

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word "Pastori;" all Bishops were anciently called Pastors. DISCOURSE Where then lies the strength of this argument? In the words 198" due subjection?" No; there is subjection to good advice as well as to just commands. The principal Patriarchs bore the greatest sway in a general Council; in that respect there was subjection due unto them. The last words, "all sorts of service," are not in some copies; and if they were,( verborum ut nummorum,') as they are commonly used, as well from superiors to their inferiors as from inferiors to their superiors, they signify nothing.

West

I wonder he was not afraid to cite this superscription, considering the clause in Pope Nicholas his letter to King Edward, -"Vobis vero et posteris vestris regibus committimus advocationem et tuitionem ejusdem loci et omnium totius Angliæ eccle- [viz, of siarum, ut vice nostra, cum consilio Episcoporum et Abbatum, minster.] constituas ubique quæ justa sunt "." King Edward by the fundamental law of the land was "the Vicar of God to govern the Church of God within his dominions";" but if he had not, here is a better title from the See of Rome itself than that whereby the king of Spain holds all the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Sicily to him and his heirs at this day". "They professed that it was heresy to deny that the Pope How the 'omni præsidet creaturæ'-' is above every creature .'"

That is no more than to say, that the Bishop of Rome, as successor to St. Peter, is "principium unitatis"-" the beginning of unity," or hath a principality of order (not of power) above all Christians. It will be hard for him to gain anything at the hands of that wise and victorious prince Edward the Third; who disposed of ecclesiastical dignities, received homage and fealty from his prelates; who writ that so much admired letter to the Pope for the liberties of the English Church, "cui pro tunc Papa aut Cardinales rationabiliter respondere nesciebant"-" to which the Pope and Cardinals did not know at that time how to give a reasonable answer',"wherein he pleads, that his ancestors had granted free

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elections "ad rogatum et instantiam dictæ sedis”. upon the earnest entreaty of the See of Rome," which now they endeavoured to usurp and seize upon; who made himself in Parliament the judge of all the grievances which the kingdom sustained from the Pope; who made express laws against the oppressions of the Roman Court, declaring publicly, that 'it was his duty' and that he was "bound by his oath” to “make remedies" against them. This was more than twenty such compliments as this, which is most true in a right sense. That it was but a compliment appeareth evidently by this. The question was about Edward the Third's right to the crown of France, and his confederation with Lewis of Bavaria; these were no ecclesiastical matters. The king sent his ambassadors to the Pope, to treat with him about his right to the crown of France. But notwithstanding his "supereminent judgment," he gave them in charge to treat with the Pope "not as a judge, but as a private person and a common friend, not in form nor in figure of judgment "." He attributeth no more to the Pope, than to another man, -according to the reasons which he shall produce. His own words are these,-" Parati semper nedum a vestro sancto cunctis presidente judicio, imo a quolibet alio, de veritate contrarii (si quis eam noverit) humiliter informari : et qui sponte rationi subjicimur, aliam datam nobis intelligi veritatem cum plená et humili gratitudine complectemur"-"Being ready always humbly to be informed of the truth of the contrary (if any man know it), not only from your holy judgment being placed in dignity before all" (or as it is in another place, "before every creature,") "but from any other: and we, who are subject to reason of our own accord, will embrace the truth with humility and thankfulness, when it is made known unto us x." This was Edward the Third's resolution-to submit to reason and the evidence of the truth, from whomsoever it proceeded. Yet, though the case was merely civil, and not at all of ecclesiastical cognizance, and though Edward the Third did not, would not, trust the Pope with it as a judge, but as an indifferent friend, yet he gives him good

[Id. ibid. p. 162.]

25 Edw. III. [Stat. 6. § 2. Stat. of Provisors.]

Walsingh., [ibid.,] Anno 1343,

[p. 163.] ed. Camd.

x [Litter. Edw. III. ad Benedict. XII. ap. eund., ibid., anno 1336, p. 140.]

words, that "his judgment was placed in dignity above all DISCOURSE creatures, which to deny was to allow of heresy "."

Why do we hear words, when we see deeds? The former Popes had excommunicated Lewis of Bavaria, and all who should acknowledge him to be emperor. Nevertheless Edward the Third contracted a firm league with him, and moreover became his lieutenant in the Empire. Pope Benedict takes notice of it, writes to King Edward about it, intimates the decrees of his predecessors against Lewis of Bavaria and his adherents, signifying that the emperor was deprived, and could not make a lieutenant. The king gives fair words in general; but, notwithstanding all that the Pope could do to the contrary, proceeds, renews his 199 league with the emperor and his commission for the lieutenancy, and trusted more to his own judgment than to the "supereminent judgment" of the Pope ".

So he draws to a conclusion of this chapter; and though he have proved nothing in the world, yet he asks, "What greater power did ever Pope challenge than here is professeda?" Even all the power that is in controversy between us and them. He challenged the political headship of the English Church, under pretence of an ecclesiastical monarchy. He challenged a legislative power in ecclesiastical causes. He challenged a dispensative power above the laws, against the laws, of the Church, whensoever, wheresoever, over whomsoever. He challenged liberty to send legates, and hold legantine courts in England, without licence. He challenged the right of receiving the last appeals of the king's subjects. He challenged the patronage of the English Church, and investitures of Bishops, with power to impose a new oath upon them contrary to their oath of allegiance. He challenged the first-fruits and tenths of ecclesiastical livings, and a power to impose upon them what pensions or other burdens he pleased. He challenged the goods of clergymen dying intestate, &c. All which are expressly contrary to the fundamental laws and customs of England.

III.

He confesseth, that "it is lawful to resist the Pope, invading [When it is either the bodies or the souls of men, or troubling the

lawful to resist the Pope.]

▼ [Id., ap. eund., ibid. p. 139.]
2 Walsingh., ibid. [pp. 136, sq.]

a

[Surv., c. iv. sect. 1. pp. 59, 60.]

I.

PART Commonwealth, or endeavouring to destroy the Church." I ask no more. Yea, "forsooth," saith he, "If I may be judge, what doth invade the soul." No. I confess I am no fit judge. No more is he. The main question is, who shall be judge; what are the liberties and immunities of a national Church, and what are the grievances which they sustain from the Court of Rome. Is it equal, that the Court of Rome themselves should be the judges, who are the persons that do the wrong? Nothing can be more absurd. In vain is any man's sentence expected against himself.' The most proper and the highest judicature upon earth in this case, is a general Council, as it was in the case of the Cyprian Bishops and their pretended Patriarch. And until that remedy can be had, it is lawful and behoveth every kingdom or national Church, who know best their own rights and have the most feeling where their shoe wrings them, to be their own judges; I mean only by a judgment of discretion,' to preserve their own rights inviolated, and their persons free from wrong, 'sub moderamine inculpatæ tutelæ.' And, especially, sovereign princes are bound, both by their office and by their oaths, to provide for the security and indemnity of their subjects; as all Roman Catholic princes do when they have occasion.

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And here he falls the third time upon his former theme, Bishop of that, 'in things instituted by God, the abuse doth not take neither of away the used.' Which we do willingly acknowledge, and Divine nor say with St. Austin, "Neque enim . . . si peccavit Cæcilianus, stolical in- ideo hæreditatem Suam perdidit Christus, ... et sceleratæ impustitution.] dentiæ est propter crimina hominis, quæ orbi terrarum non possis

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ostendere, communionem orbis terrarum velle damnare."— "Neither, if Cecilian offended, did Christ therefore lose His inheritance," and, "it is wicked impudence for the crimes of a man, which thou canst not shew to the world, to be willing to condemn the communion of the worlde." But neither was that authority of the Bishop of Rome, which we have rejected, either of Divine or Apostolical institution; nor have we rejected it for the personal faults of some Popes, but because it

b [Ibid., pp. 60,61; quoting Bellarm. De Roman Pontif., lib. ii. c. 29. (Op. tom. i. p. 920. A.)]

с

[Ibid., p. 61.]

d [Ibid., pp. 60-62.]

e August., Ep. 50. [editt. before Bened.-185, Ad Bonifac., c. i. § 4. tom. ii. p. 644. E. ed. Bened.]

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