Perhaps the point of connection may be found in the series, put in the pre-Plautine values, oinos duō très quatuor quinque, in which the characteristic vowel-if we may grant that the characteristic vowel of duō is the ō rather than the u, as a doublet form *dvō may have been used in rapid speech-is without exception either a diphthong or a long vowel. Note further that the next five cardinals agree in having a short vowel in the corresponding position: sex septem octo novem decem. So I incline to think that the long vowels of oinos duō tres quinque infected *quatuor and remade it to *quatuor. But another form may have contributed to the long vowel in quatuor: the pre-Latin word for "fourth' seems to have been *kwatwortos, whence *kwawortos with dissimilative loss of one t, and quartus by contraction. The length of the vowel in quartus is assured by inscriptional writings with the apex, and there is the parallel instance of Māvors Mārs, though here the prior vowel is long before the contraction occurs. To these two influences, then, that of the long vowels in the other cardinals of the series and that of the long vowel in the ordinal quārtus, I attribute the lengthening of the first vowel of *quatuor, which made possible thereafter the doubling of the consonant with a conincident shortening of the vowel. There is the objection that quater "four times' and words beginning with quadr- (quadrāgintā, quadringentī, quadrupės, quadrīgae, etc.) are proved by the meters of poetry to have a short a in the initial syllable.5 But quater goes back to an adverb ending in -trus, and the other words have a peculiar -dr- after the vowel, with an unexplainable -d- before -r-; the differences in the consonantal groups may have been the decisive factor in preventing the spread of the long vowel from quatuor. 6 The length of the vowel in quinque also is not original, as was recognized long ago, but came back from the ordinal quinctus into the cardinal; for short vowels were lengthened before -nct- in early Latin. * Mon. Anc. iii. 22; CIL 3.4959; cited by Sommer, op. cit. 472. 5 For quater, see Vergil, Aen. 1.94, Ge. 1.411, 2.399. For quadr- the evidence is more difficult to locate; for while in Plautus and in Terence a stop plus a liquid does not make position, substitutions of long syllable for short and of two shorts for a long are freely made, and in later verse the consonants may make a closed syllable. The surest warranty for a short vowel seems to be in quadrupedem, Ter. And. 865. But to keep the shortness of the initial syllable, editors are obliged to emend the manuscript reading quadruplari, Pl. Persa 62, to quadrupulari, and quadruplator, ib. 70, to quadrupulator. If the initial syllable of quadrilibrem, Pl. Aul. 809, be short, one must accept a hiatus after the next word, instead of an elision. 6 By R. Thurneysen, KZ 30.501-2. And yet the -c of quinctus itself remained only by the reciprocal influence of quinque, since the group -nct- tended to become -nt- in early Latin. No parallel to this association of the first five digits in their vocalic length can be found in Oscan and Umbrian, where the words for '4' and '5' were petora and *pompe, amply attested by glosses and by derivatives; and therefore the phenomenon which we have examined is distinctly a Latin phenomenon. At the same time, it must be recognized as very early, since Verrius Flaccus remarks on the long vowel in old Latin quincentum '500.'s Converging evidence indicates that the length in *quatuor and in quinque became established at not far from the same time, and therefore increases the likelihood of the explanation of quattuor which has been offered here. 7 For citations of spelling with -c-, cf. Neue-Wagener, Formenlehre d. lat. Spr.3 2.310. 8 Ap. Fest. 254 M. = 338 Th.: Quincentum et producta prima syllaba et per c litteram usurpant antiqui, quod postea levius visum est, ita ut nunc dicimus, pronuntiari. KANDAULES GEORGE MELVILLE BOLLING OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY With regard to the vowel of the final syllable, Hesychius offers a gloss Κανδαύλας · Ἑρμῆς ἢ Ηρακλής, and on this basis some modern scholars distinguish a god Kandaulas and a king Kandaules. I think that the validity of this distinction may be doubted. Hipponax' vocative Κανδαύλα is the proper form to Κανδαύλης, cf. Λυκάμβα, Λυκάμβης; κυνάγχα, Kuvάyxns. So Hesychius, if his copyists are not at fault, has either formed the nominative wrongly from Kavdauλa2 or drawn on a nonIonic source. For Ionic we need reckon with Kavdaúλns and with nothing else. The identification of this god with Hermes seems to rest solely on the familiar line 4.2 (Diehl) of Hipponax: 'Epμñ κvváyxa, Mŋovori Kavdavλa and that seems to be an improvisation. I can find no other evidence for a 'Epμns κuváyxns, and Hesychius seems to have known nothing to the point, for in spite of the clear etymology' he glosses it as vaguely as κλéπтα. The invocation is put in the mouth of Boupalos and is meant to be derisive, suggested by the epithet ȧpyeïóvrns and the fact that "Apyos is a dog's name. Then it is probable that a similar twist has been given to the Maionian term Kavdaúλns. Kretschmer rightly warns against attaching any historical importance to the use of Mnovorí instead of Avdiori; but stylistically the former word is high-flown and may perhaps give a hint in the same direction. At all events the great god of the Lydians must have done some mightier exploit than the choking of a dog, and I think it is so far safer to interpret Kandaules merely as 'Throttler-of-the-Beast'. It was 'a dog-like monster', says Kretschmer-trusting to the literalness of the translation Kuváyxns-and it was this exploit that lead to the 1 Prehn in PW 10.1860, Solmsen, to some extent Kretschmer. 2 The meter does not reveal the quantity of the final vowel. • Even Tzetzes: σκυλλοπνίκτης. 'The implicit interpretation of 'Apyéïçóvrns at so early a date is interesting and in agreement with Kretschmer's conclusions about the etymology, cf. Glotta 10.45-9 (1919). identification with Herakles because he too throttled a monster. The last seems to me right, and may take us farther. The monster that Heracles throttled was a lion, and the lion is so prominent in Lydia that it has been regarded as the arms of the royal family. We may then assume that it was also the throttling of a lion that gave to the Lydian god his title Kandaules, and agree (except for the unnecessary qualification) with Sayce, Sardis, 6.2.86 (note) that this god 'was doubtless represented in art like the Babylonian Gilgames, holding a strangled lion or similar animal in either hand'. The type may be seen on a Minoan gem, so that it is also attested for the Pre-Hellenic peoples of the Aegean. 6 This god became the founder of the Lydian dynasty whose members the Greeks called Herakleidai-having identified Kandaules with Herakles. It is probable that in it Kandaules became a titular name comparable with Caesar, Pharaoh, Syennesis. It is true that in Herodotus the name Kandaules seems personal. But Herodotus himself (1.7) tells us that the Greeks called this king Myrsilos and speaks of him as the son of Myrsos; while Nikolaos of Damascus' knows him (from Xanthos) as Adyattes or Sadyattes. From these facts Gelzer,8 drew the essentially correct conclusion that Kandaules was a 'sacral' name. Essentially correct may be said, for 'sacral' and 'royal' are responses to stimuli undifferentiated in such a context. The decipherment of the Lydian inscriptions has confirmed Herodotus' use of Myrsos Myrsilos by showing that in Lydian patronymics were actually formed by such a suffix, cf. Bakivas, Bakivalis. For Kandaules however, they seem to have given no information. But most recently Buckler" has published a series of electrum coins that antedate the gold coinage attributed to Croesus and certainly earlier than 546 B.C., the fall of Sardis. The device of the die (it appears completely on no specimen through the inexperience of its cutters) was two lion-heads confronted, with a vertical inscription between them. Thanks to a new specimen Buckler can now show that the inscription is Lydian and that it reads valves [walwe S]. He then equates valves with "Aλns and explains the legend as Gyges' cry of triumph over the conquest of Colophon: 'The port on the Ales river Cf. B.V. Head, Brit. Mus. Excav. at Ephesos 91. • JHS 21.163 (1901). 7FGrHist 90 F 47 (Jacoby). 8 RhM 35.5172 (1880). 9 JHS 46.36-41 (1926) now belongs to the Lydian kingdom.' Against the equation valveś "Aλns no objection can be brought; but the remainder of the interpretation appears most unlikely. When the inscription was imperfectly known, the practice was to connect it with ̓Αλυάττης. That is now impossible, but it shows a fact which Buckler himself sees,10 that the natural thing to be looked for in such a legend is a 'personal, i.e. royal, name.' I would then submit the following considerations: 1. The most probable name is Kandaules; a) as being the name of Lydia's strong-arm god, and of her ever-existing priest-king, and b) because of his close connection with the Lydian lion as Throttler-of-theBeast. 2. The obvious affinity of the device to the art type posited for Kandaules by Sayce on other grounds; the vertical inscription taking the place of the male figure, the lions being represented by their heads. 3. The frequent use of ideograms and of ideograms combined with alphabetic writing in the systems of writing in vogue in Asia Minor. I should therefore suggest that the coin may offer a combination of picture and phonetic writing and be read as KANDvalves [Kandwalwe⚫S]. From this form the Greek names derive readily. Epenthesis in Lydian will account for the diphthong in Kavdaúλns; while a form without epenthesis may be preserved in Kávdaλos which long ago Wilamowitz11 recognized as the non-Hellenic name of the founder of Kos. If Kavdovλos the name of one of the Κέρκωπες (but given also as 'Ανδοῦλος) belongs here, it has perhaps been assimilated to douλos by popular etymology. The same may be true of Κανδωλος glossed by Hesychius as κακούργος, Aporns, if it arose in a Doric-speaking community. Or it may be that behind these varying vowels we have dialectic differences of the Asia Minor languages.12 If we attempt the etymology, we must remember that the earlier efforts13 to explain the name started not only from a different form, but from a false hypothesis about the relationship of Lydian. That language was then put in the Thracian-Phrygian branch, whereas we now know that it meets the languages of our family only in a Pre-IndoEuropean period. 10 Note 9. 11 Hermes 18.430. 12 Cf. Lambertz, Glotta 6.17 (1914); Sturtevant, LANGUAGE 1.77 (1925) for the principle involved. 13 Kretschmer, Einl. 388–9 (1896); Hirt, Idg. 134-5, 599; Solmsen, KZ 34.77-80 (1897); 45.97–8 (1912); Herm. 46.286-91 (1911); Boisacq 541 (s.V. kúwv). |