regarded by parents in general! how fully borne out by the career of a large number of those who inherit independent fortunes, without the necessity of attending to business! From a full view of the subject, and a careful examination of the lists of subscribers to the different benevolent institutions, I feel warranted in stating 1. That they derive but a slender portion of their support from the wealthiest part of our citizens. 2. That their support is chiefly derived from the middle. classes of society, and bears but a very small proportion to the wealth and population of the city, or to the claims of distress.* 3. That the idea that every person, able and willing to work, can procure employment, is radically wrong, and has a most pernicious tendency, by deluding the rich into an opinion of the worthlessness of the poor. 4. That there are great numbers of persons of both sexes, particularly females, who eagerly seek work, and cannot find employment. 5. That the charge so frequently alleged against the poor, that their distress and wretchedness arise from their idleness and worthlessness, however true as to a small proportion of them, is utterly destitute of foundation as regards the majority. 6. That it is impossible for a woman dependent on her needle, and employed on coarse work; and also for a spooler when encumbered with children, or even without, to support human nature by the miserable wages they receive-and in many cases the. wages of the males are reduced so low as to render it impossible for a man with a family to lay by any provision for times of sickness or want of employment. * There is one class of our citizens, who are heavily taxed for the relief of the poor, beyond their numerical proportion. I mean physicians. Independently of their contributions to charitable institutions, which are as liberal as those of any other class, the value of the gratuitous services they render, is probably equal in amount to the annual contributions of all the rest of our citizens. They attend the dispensaries, the alms-house, and the hospital, gratis-and never, I believe, refuse, when called on, to attend the poor, who have no means of payment, and from whom they would not receive it. There are physicians in this city, whose contributions in this way, amount to 1000 or 1500 dollars per annum. This is not all. Moved by the distress of their poorer patients, they frequently supply them with money to purchase food and medicines. 7. That it is a great error to suppose our charitable societies encourage idleness and profligacy; for they produce a contrary effect in almost every case, by preventing the depression and ruin, and consequent degradation, of the poor. 8. That if each of our wealthy individuals subscribed to all of them, it would be but a very slender sacrifice for the public good, and bear a small proportion to the claims of society on him. 9. That the low rate of female wages, not more than one-half or one-third of what is earned by men for similar work, is discreditable to human nature-pernicious to the best interests of society-a fertile source of misery, immorality and profligacy* -and loudly calls for a remedy. 10. That the Provident, and all other societies which give employment to the poor, ought to pay adequate wages, so as to set a proper example to individuals—and, so far as regards shirts and pantaloons, that the price ought to be raised at once to eighteen cents each.† 11. That, unless they adopt this plan, or one similar, they inflict nearly as much injury as they confer benefit. 12. That a reformation of the horrible oppression under which the seamstresses, spinners, spoolers, &c. groan, cannot be hoped for, unless ladies will come forward with decision, and use their influence to rescue their sex from the prostrate situation in which those unfortunate women are placed. 13. That it would be misplaced delicacy or timidity which should induce them to hesitate in the performance of so paramount an act of justice. December 26, 1828. * This may require explanation. Low female wages discourage prudent young men of the labouring classes from marriage. This leads to a life of celibacy and licentiousness, and they frequently seduce the young women whom otherwise they would have taken as wives, who in their turn become seducers. Moreover, the trial is almost too severe for human nature, when on the one side there appears nothing but a wretched pittance, scarcely adequate to a miserable subsistence, with hardly a ray of hope of a change for the better during life; and when, on the other, temptation often steps forth in its most seductive form, proffering ease, fine dress, and affluence-an alternative too often presented to young females, to their utter ruin here, and perhaps hereafter. Many of these unfortunates may, it is to be presumed, truly say with the Apothecary, "My poverty, but not my will, consents." + I am gratified to be able to state that the Impartial Humane Society of Baltimore, has adopted this liberal plan, and pays the price above stated-an example that ought to be universally followed. June, 1830. THE REVOLUTIONARY OFFICERS. To the Congress of the United States. The venerable remains of that illustrious band of officers, who led the armies of the United States through "the times that tried men's souls" to the attainment of the most noble inheritance that ever fell to the lot of mankind-an inheritance, which, if wisely used, may lead to a degree of unparalleled happiness and prosperity to countless millions of human beings for generations yet unborn-these venerable remains, I say, have made repeated applications to your predecessors and to you, for a sorry pittance of the dearly earned remuneration of their invaluable services. Bending over the grave, which is yearly thinning their numbers, and must, at no very distant period, close on the few that now survive-they have appealed to your gratitude, your generosity, and your justice; but hitherto in vain, to the great regret of all who prize the honour of their country, or have souls capable of duly appreciating their services, or the glorious results of those services.* * A luminous speech of General Harrison's, which appeared in the National Intelligencer of Friday last, sheds a flood of light on the subject of the claims of the revolutionary officers, so frequently, and hitherto, alas! so unavailingly presented to the attention of congress. The want of patriotism in the legislatures of the different states, in their disregard of the requisitions of congress during the revolution, rendered it impossible for that body to pay their officers, who consequently suffered the most grievous privations, particularly in the article of clothing, of which their destitution was so great as to be utterly incredible, did it not stand recorded on the best authorities. Disgusted at this treatment, so miserable a requital of their services and sufferings in the glorious cause, and so unworthy of the nation, great numbers of them resigned, and betook themselves to civil employments. It was impossible to replace them. In consequence there was such danger of the dissolution of the army, that the independence of the country was almost in a state of jeopardy. In 1778 and 1779, General Washington forcibly urged the subject on the attention of congress, but to no purpose. The danger becoming still more imminent in 1780, he resumed it once more. The following extract from one of his letters will remove all doubt as to the sufferings and merits of the army, and the critical situation of the country. "I have often said, and I beg leave to repeat it, the half-pay provision is, in my opinion, the most politic and effectual that can be adopted. On the whole, if something satisfactory be not done, the Army, (already so much reduced in officers by daily resignations, as not to have a sufficiency to do the common duties of it,) must either cease to exist at the end of the campaign, or it will exhibit an example of more virtue, fortitude, self-denial and perseve The eyes of the nation are on you-and not of this nation merely-but of the wise and the good of the civilized world. They view with surprise the various difficulties and delays that have arisen in so plain a case, making such loud appeals to national honour and justice. Half a century has elapsed since many of these men, in the prime of life, glowing with the holy flame of liberty, abandoned lucrative professions, many sacrificing patrimonial inheritances, and eagerly ran with "their hearts in their hands"-at the risk of ignominiously terminating their career by the hands of the public executioner, to rescue their beloved country from a state of thraldom, and to secure for you the honours and emoluments you enjoy, and the seats you occupy. Were it not for their services, and the services of others like them, you would probably at present wear the galling chains of subjection to a foreign power, instead of regulating the destinies of a rising empire, and hesitating to rance, than has perhaps ever yet been paralleled in the history of human enthusiasm. The dissolution of the Army is an event that cannot be regarded with indifference. It would bring accumulated distresses upon us; it would throw the American people into great consternation; it would discredit our cause throughout the world; it would shock our Allies. To think of replacing the officers with others, is visionary.” In consequence, an act was passed, pledging the government to provide half-pay for life for all such officers as should serve till the close of the war. This produced a totally different state of things. Resignations ceased-commissions were sought after, and the army was organized to the best possible advantage, and became efficient and formidable. When the war was over, the disregard of congressional requisitions continued. The government was literally bankrupt, and unable to comply with its solemn engagement to the officers. A compromise took place-and they were offered a promise of full pay for five years, in lieu of the stipulated half pay for life. This proposal was accepted-and certificates for this commutation were issued. But the total want of credit of the government, and the extreme necessity of the officers, forced them to sell those certificates at their market value, which, in some cases, was not more, according to General Harrison's statement, than ten per cent. of their nominal value, whereby the promise of five years full pay produced little, if any thing, more than one year's half-pay! The question now is, whether, after the lapse of forty-five years of severe suffering of this meritorious and injured body of men, this powerful nation will, in its present state of financial prosperity, take advantage of its own wrong—or afford a very moderate and very inadequate compensation to the small and aged remnant of the officers for the enormous losses inflicted on them by its unpardonable, (I had almost said, dishonourable,) failure to comply with its engagements in due season? CAN HONOUR, CAN HONESTY, CAN EQUITY HESITATE? admit the claims of the remnant of those to whom such a state of things is due. Much has been said on the subject of the celebrated Newburg letters. They have been a theme for universal' obloquy. But they spoke a language fatally too prophetic, which shows. the profound views and the sagacity of the writer. They foretold that unless provision were made for the just claims of the army before its disbandment, adequate provision would never be made that having served the purposes of the country, they would, as soon as those purposes were answered, be thrown aside, and the services disregarded, which had safely brought the vessel of state through its awful perils, in a seven years' conflict with the most powerful nation then in Europe. They were urged in the most ardent manner, not to lay down their arms till arrangements were made for discharging their long arrears. General Washington, himself the soul of honour and justice, and relying on the honour and justice of his country, allayed the rising tumult, and persuaded the army to abandon a design dictated by self-preservation, but liable to be attended with the most dangerous consequences. It is a deep blot on the escutcheon of the country, that it did not respond to the noble confidence thus reposed, and that, even at this late hour, there are so many objections to making a return, which in its utmost extent, bears no more proportion to the services rendered, than a mole-hill to a mountain. Such debts can never be paid by money. In the scale of honour and equity, the boon acquired would outweigh the ransom of an empire. The idea of pensions, with many of our citizens excites disgust, as if the very name were synonymous with baseness and prostitution on the one hand, and flagitious corruption on the other. And the pension lists of other countries, particularly that of Great Britain, are subjects of general reprobation. This reprobation is partly, and but partly founded. Many pensions in that country, it is true, are bestowed on unworthy objectsand sometimes for services not very honourable to the donors or receivers. But it may be averred, and disproof challenged, that among the proudest features in the national character of Great Britain, may be reckoned a large portion, perhaps the chief part, of the so-much-vituperated pension list. It affords a glorious manifestation of public gratitude for all-important services. I have now before me a list of pensions paid to individuals, or the descendants of individuals, who have distin |