THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. CHAPTER I. GENERAL RIGHTS OF COLONIES.-EARLY CAUSES OF COMPLAINT TION OF TRADE.-EXPENSES OF THE LATE WARS IN How have words been multiplied in vain attempts to apply prin ciples of abstract right to political movements, and how much more vainly has the search been made for principles of universal application in that uncertain code of maxims known as the law of nations. In a question between two communities, there is usually no tribunal, and they must severally do what is "right in their own eyes," provided it be, at the same time, practicable. Of all political questions, perhaps the most unsettled, is that concerning the rights of colonies. It was said by Hutcheson, in 1755,* that colonies "have a right to be released from the dominion of the parent state," "whenever they are so increased in numbers and strength as to be sufficient by themselves for all the good ends of a political union." Simply, that whenever they have the will, and, in their own opinion, the power, to stand alone, the right follows, of course. The case is similar to that of a child seeking release from parental control: in a state of nature he will do this when he has attained sufficient strength and self-dependence; but, for convenience and certainty, a time has been arbitrarily set by society for his emancipation. As regards states, no such time has been, or can be established, because its occurrence must always depend upon questions of fact, for the decision of which there is, as before mentioned, no tribunal. The question must * Bancroft's History of the United States. always remain merely a question of ability, until the Utopian theory of an international code and court shall have been reduced to practice. The opinion of the world has seldom, if ever, been called to be passed upon the violent rupture of the connection between a parent state and its colony, while the inhabitants of the latter were in the enjoyment of equal privileges and favour with those of the former. A feeling of affection and natural pride commonly causes them to cling to the land of their parentage until a long course of extortion and oppression has rendered the tie too onerous to be endured. In America, the English colonies had submitted-not, it is true, without murmurs-to the most arbitrary restrictions upon manufactures in which they might profitably have engaged, imposed simply to compel importation from England. A steady, and, in most cases, an effectual stand had been made against the reiterated demand of a fixed salary for the royal governors. Burdensome restrictions upon foreign trade were protested against, and extensively evaded by contraband traffic. This gave occasion for arbitrary proceedings by the officers of the customs in searching for smuggled goods. Their conduct, in this respect, appearing to be illegal, they sought the aid of the superior courts of law, and "writs of assistance," in the nature of search-warrants, were accordingly issued. The power of the court to issue these writs was called in question, and tested in Massachuchusetts, in 1761. The eloquent James Otis, and the learned jurist, Oxenbridge Thatcher, argued successfully against their validity. The question, by this time, had come to be widely agitated, as to the probable tendency of the continual encroachments upon the liberties of the colonies. The legislatures of the different provinces, elected by a system more nearly approaching universal suffrage than any ever known in England, indulged in freedom of thought and expression, denounced as treasonable and rebellious in the parentcountry. The duties and imposts which had been submitted to for a long term of years as being "regulations of trade," for the protection of the British West India islands, and other collateral purposes, and, therefore, within the proper jurisdiction of the board of trade, when directed immediately towards the enlargement of revenue, excited universal disaffection and indignation. The recent wars had enormously increased the public debt, and English politicians were busily engaged in framing schemes by which the American colonies should share the burden of expense incurred, as was averred, expressly for their benefit. On the other hand, it was claimed that the colonies had already contributed more than their proportion towards these expenses; that, being frequently the seat of war, they had, in other respects, felt its calamities far more heavily than the people of England; and that the latter country, by reason of its immense income from the restricted colonial trade, was as directly and pecuniarily interested in maintaining and protecting the provinces from foreign encroachment as were the inhabitants themselves. It was, moreover, evident that it would be impossible for any man to foretell to what extremes government might eventually proceed in the imposition of taxes upon a distant community, in no way represented in the legislature, whose condition and capabilities could never be fully understood in England, and whose growing resources would indubitably be met by a still more rapid increase of exaction. What had been accomplished, had been by sufferance, and under protest; it remained for the open extension of duties for revenue purposes, and the attempted imposition of a direct tax, to rouse to flame the discontent already kindled. In the spring of 1764, George Grenville, chancellor of the exchequer, introduced and carried an act in alteration of the former rate of imposts upon West India goods, &c., by which, while the duties on certain articles were reduced, the restrictions were extended to French and East India produce, and to various foreign articles of luxury. The anticipated difficulty of enforcing the new tariff, was met by a provision extending the powers and jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty. At the same time, he laid before parliament a proposal, to be acted upon at a future session, for the enlargement of the revenue by the collection of duties upon stamped paper. There seems, at this period, to have been scarcely the shadow of opposition in the British legislature, to the general principle of the right to impose discretionary taxes upon the colonies. One principal object in the scheme for levying a direct and additional assessment, was to provide means for the permanent support of a military estab lishment in America; thus to compel the people to furnish means for their own enslavement, and for the enforcing of whatever future tyrannical enactments might result from the necessities or avarice of the British government. The "sugar-act," as the new law respecting customs was called, excited the utmost dissatisfaction, especially in he northern colonies a feeling heightened and extended by the intimation of the intended stamp act, which accompanied its passage. The subject was discussed in the colonial legislatures, and letters of instruction were prepared for their agents in England, breathing the strongest spirit of opposition. In these debates, in the petitions and remonstrances forwarded to the home government, and in the writings of Otis, Thatcher, and other distinguished or rising politicians, the same principles were strenuously maintained and ably argued. Appeals to every man's individual sense of justice; reference to rights secured by magna charta, by the special charters of the provinces, and by the maxims of English common law; and representations of the extent to which experience had shown that the colonies would assume their just share of the burden of government, were urged with zeal, energy, and ability. Few, if any, yet spoke of open resistance to the power of parlia ment, but succeeding events proved that public sentiment must have been rapidly preparing for such an extremity. CHAPTER II. THE STAMP ACT: ARGUMENT IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS: PASS AGE OF THE BILL: ITS EFFECT IN THE COLONIES.-RESOLUTIONS IN THE VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY.-PATRICK HENRY.PROCEEDINGS IN MASSACHUSETTS: POPULAR TUMULTS: RESIGNATION OF THE STAMP OFFICERS. IN the month of February, 1765, the important act, providing for the increase of revenue by stamp duties in America, was introduced into the House of Commons. By its provisions all legal documents, promissory notes, deeds, commercial papers, official certificates, &c., &c., must be written upon paper that had received a government stamp, and on which fixed duties had been paid. Of all that was said in argument upon the merits of the bill, nothing excited more general attention, in the community, than a short speech by Colonel Isaac Barré. This member had seen service in America, during the French war, and, familiar himself with the character and condition of the people, he expressed a becoming disgust at the ignorance in regard to the colonies which characterized the speeches of several supporters of the bill. The eloquent Charles Townshend spoke in its favour, and concluded his remarks with an inquiry, whether the colonists could presume to refuse aid to the parent-country, by whose protection they alone had maintained their existence, and arrived at a position of comparative wealth and importance. Barré rose, and, with great animation, exposed the fallacy of the declaration. He pointed out briefly the real origin of emigration to America, the unaided efforts and sufferings of the early colonists in establishing a civilized community in the wilderness, the neglect that they had experienced at the hands of the home government, their readiness in taking up arms in a national cause, their expenses and their losses by the continued wars. "I claim," continued he, "to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant with that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated." The stamp act passed the house of commons on the 27th of February; a few days later, the house of lords concurred without debate; and the bill received a quasi assent from the deranged intellect of George III. To make the obnoxious measure more tolerable, it was provided that all revenues to be derived from it, should be expended exclusively for colonial purposes. Other conciliatory enactments, in the form of bounties upon importations, and the removal of sundry burdensome restrictions, were also resorted to as an offset to the first imposition of a direct tax. It was generally supposed, in England, that the measure would be carried out without a sign of forcible opposition. The tone of public procedures in the colonies, upon receipt of intelligence that the act had passed, was generally moderate; but the passions and indignation of the people, fully aroused, were only awaiting fit opportunity to break forth in overt resistance. In Virginia, the legislature was in session at the time, but its leading members held aloof from taking active measures in opposition. It was reserved for a young man, who had but recently taken his seat in the house, to introduce and support a series of resolutions, setting forth colonial rights, and protesting against their proposed invasion. It is a singular fact, concerning those who, in all times, have possessed to its greatest extent the wonderful gift of eloquence, that little or noth |